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C. SALLUSTI CRISPI^ 

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DE CONIURATIONE CATILJNAE 

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CONTENTS. 



Pbbpacb *H 

i . INTBODOCTION X 

• D» CONIUBATIONB CATIUNAB 49 

DB BBLLO IUGUBTHINO \ 91 

NOTBS TO TUB CATIUNABIAN CONSPIBACY . . . . 171 

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PREFACE. 

Thx tezt here adopted is that of H. Jordan (and ed, 
1876), who has taken for his main authority the MS. of 
the National Library of Paris, which is known «8 Sorb. 500 
or P, following it even in such occasional inconsistencies 
of orthography as seem due to the variations of archaic 
usage, and not to obvious blunders. Brevity has been 
studied throughout in the Notes, and no attempt has been 
made to deal ezhaustively with the exegetical literature upon 
the subject, or to discuss the character and value of the 
MSS 1 . It has been thought desirable to illustrate in some 
detail the influence of Sallust on the language and style 
of Tacitus, as well as his own probable obligations to 
Thucydides and others; but parallel passages have been 
referred to sparingly in other cases, though ample stores 
have been collected in the Commentaries of Kortte, Kritz, 
Fabri, and others. 

In the Introduction mention has been made of the chief 
authorities to be consulted, but an article of M. Renan, 
entitled c La Soci^t^ Berbkre 9 (Revue des deuz-mondes, 
1 Sept, 1873), should have been also specified in connec- 
tion with the characteristics of the native races of Northern 
Afirica. 

1 CC the Preilaces to the iit tad aad cditiom of Jordan, and 
article in Herrott, roL L 



ERRATA. 

Pfcgei75 9 Mut z% fir • kv\! rra/'A.' (mi>d in leveralother pUoes). • 
m 19* » 3* deU 'however.* 

■» 19^9 •» 4h/*r 'neqoivent' r*u/ - the conectiOB "nequhrermt > H 

whtch regokr osage leemi to require.' 

, 198, , siiJ^Wom^ra^WaU&W 

•• *©3» „ a8>jfrr , K0rteVWKortte.' 

„ aai, H ti,fir\ C£Jug. ao> 3; 16. 1 ;• >W (etjug. 39.3; 

16. iv 

M aai« „ sa, 4&'Severa.* 
m *«3» •• 3» ^Wf 'mppeakdto.' 

» >5*» t 3» Aj^Mtia^awir/^Ifnot-ojdbesflM/. 

# 

%• In tbe paasages quoted from Salluat (as from other 
anthon) in the Notes, the references are to chapter and 
paTagraph, not to page and line. 



• • 



INTRODUCTION. 



L THE LIFE AND WORKS OF SALLUST. 

* 

Scarcbly any of the men who were most prominent in Latin 
literature were born in Rome itsel£ or were members of the 
noble families which resided chiefly in the capital, and C 
Sallustius Crispus was no exception to the rule. He came of 
a plebeian stock, for he was afterwards tribune of the commons, 
and of a family in which we hear only of equestrian rank (Tac 
Ann. 3. 30. 3). His native place was Amitemum in the Sabine 
highlands, which were the seat in early days of a hardy popula- 
tion famed for their simple life and homely virtues. 

The Claudian family indeed, which was of Sabine race, and 
whose ancestor is spoken of by Vergil (Aen. 7. 706) in close con- 
nexion with the bands of Amiternum, bore a very diflerent 
character in Roman story, and no such features can be traced 
in the life and works of Sallust. The year of his birth, 86 B.C., 
was the date of the capture of Athens, and of SutiVs career ol | 

conquest in the East, which was soon followed by a reign of il 

terror throughout Central Iuly, by which the great dictator 
thought to secure the ascendancy of the great governing fami- 
lies of Rome, and the permanence of the old forms of Senatorian 
rule. All opposition was stifled for a while by a policy of 
merciless repression, but the desolation caused by dvil warfare 
' in the country and the proscriptions in the city left bitter 
memories • which lingered on during the growing years of 
Sallust, and steadily increased the strength of the popular 
reaction. The ruling famiiies were far too exclusive to attract 
to their side a young man of ambition who had no great 
name or powerml connexions *t his back. There were no 
distinct professions in the social fife of Rome, such as Law 
and Medidne, and the Civil Service, now present. Literature 
had no career to ofler: and the readiest course was to sweil the 






% INTRODVCTION. 

cry for popular rights» and choose a party leader who could 
help him to push on. It was in this way probably that he be- 
came tribunus piebis in 52 B.C, the year in which Clodius was 
murdered in the fray with Milo, and Sallust certainly helped to 
avenge him, possibly £ rom friendship £or the fallen demagogue, 
or 9 as andent writers tell us, from hatred o£ Milo, with whose 
wife he had intrigued, and from whose righteous anger he had 
barely escaped with life and limb (loris betu caesum, Aul. GeU. 
17. 18). The story is given on the authority of Varro, a grave 
and nonest man, as also of Asconius, to say nothing of the later 
writers, and we cannot easily discredit evidence so attested, 
though the zeal which Sallust sbowed in stirring up the people's 
anger against Milo, and against Cicero, who came forward as 
his advocate, may be otherwise explained as prompted by the 
interests of party or of justice. Two years afterwards he was 
degraded from the Senate by the censor Appius Claudius, and 
the grotmd assigned was the scandal of his licentious life. 
There must have been some foundation for the charge ; for true 
as it may be that in this and in like cases the censor was be- 
lieved to act tn the spirit of a partisan rather than a judge, 
yet precedent required him to state some colourable reasons 
whenhe strucknames off the Senate's roil; and Cicero says that 
Appius was acting like a rigid moralist m the hope possibly that 
men msght fbrget his own questionable inttctdents (ftrsuasum 
est €t\ ctnsuram lometdum aui nUrum ssse y ad Fam. 8. 14). 

We might indeed treat as mere malignant gossip the charges 
contained in the forgery of later date, called the Invective of 
Cicero against Sallust, where we read how he ruined himself by 
riotous living, and brought his father*s grey hairs in sorrow to 
the grave, how he disgraced himself by nameless vices, and 
owned his infiuny before the Scnate ($. 14). So too we might 
disregard the epithets of 'spendthrift, winebibber, and de* 
bauchee,* with which his memory was blackened by Lenaeus, 
a freedman of Pompehis, who resented the terms in which the 
historian had spoken of his patrons (Suetonius Gramm. 15). 
Bot after maldng all allowance for the fact that in those days of 
fcction the foukst calumnies were bandbd to aad fro, aad few 
couldhcyetopasswithanunsul1iedname,stiUwemnstownthat 
the; grave charges o/ the disorders of hisearlierlifecom^tous 



TffE UFE AND WORKS OF SALLUST. % 

through many channels, and we have no evidence on which to 
set aside the verdict of his own and later ages. (Asconius, 
SchoL ad Hor. S. i. 2. 41, Macrobius S. 3. 13. 9, Servius ad Verg. 
Aen. 6. 612, Dion Cass. 40. 63, Lactantius Inst Div. x 12.) 

But the Civil War was near at hand, and Caesar wasnot 
careful of the antecedents of his partisans. The men of tar- 
nished fame or ruined fortunes found a haven of refuge in his 
camp, and looked to his unfailing bounty to open up for them 
a new career. Sallust among others joined his cause, and was 
ready for active service in the field. His first command was m 
Illyricum, where he gained no distinction (Orosius 6. 15). Still 
he had for his reward, in 47 B.C, a praetorship to raise him to . 
the Senatorian rank which he had forfeited before (Dion Cass. 
42. 52). Soon after he was in imminent danger of his life from 
the mutinous soldiers whom he was commissioned to lead from 
Campania to the campaign in Africa, and who pursued him 
almost to the gates of Rome, where Caesar alone could patify . 
their fury. Next year he was sent with a detachment of the 
fieet from Leptis to seise the stores of the enemy lodged in the 
island of Cercina. This he achieved with full success (De 
Bello Afiric 34), and at the dose of the year, when the war 
came to an end, he was left to rule as proconsul the newly- 
annexed kingdom of Numidia, which became the subject pro- 
vince of Nova Africa (BelL Afr. 97). 

We have no details of his administrative work, but it would 
seem that, like so many of the unscrupulous governors of the 
Republic, he enriched himself at the expense of the provmcials, 
who vainly tried to call him to account when he rcturned to 
Rome with his ill-gotten wealth. This tnformation comes to us 
indeed from questionable sources, fron the forged tnvective 
written in the name of Ciccro (7. 19), and the history of Dion 
Cassius, who seems always ready to aocept the worst story to 
a man*s discredit (43. 9). But the charges tally with the fact 
that he lived afterwards in state in his great house on the 
Quirinal, which, with his splendid gardens (hotti prtciosissimi> 
Ps. Cic Inv. 7. 19), bore his name still centuries later, thouga 
they had become an imperial residence where Vespasian livcd 
and Nerva died, and Aurelian enjoyed his covered portioo a 
thousand paces long (Dion C 66. 10, Vopisc. 49). It waa 

11 



INTRODUCTION. 



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i 



tlicre too that were found some of the noble works of andent 
art which adorn the sculpturc galleries of modern times. We 
have no reason to believe that his family was rich» or his own 
means ample at an earlier date, and to a Roman of his times 
thcre seemed no readier road to fortune than to sweep irito his 
oofferatheplunderofaprovince. For the men of the worid and 
politicians of that age the moral standard was a low one; 
Sallust probably was not much better nor much worse than 
many others round him, and nothing would be known about the 
immoialities of his private life, and the grave abuses of offidal 
power 9 if jealousy and party spirit had not dragged them forth 
into the light of day. The moralists of a later age indeed could 
not but oontrast the severe judgments of the writer with the re- 
ported vices of the man ; they could not foigive him his censorious 
tones (seriae ilHus et severae orationis 9 A. GelL 17. 18), or his 
complaints of the luxury around him (aiienae luxuriae objur* 
jptfor, Macrob. 3, 13, 9), or his lofty moral maxims (servivit 
/oedissimis voiuftatibus 9 suamgue ipse sententiam pravitate 
dissolvit, Lactant 2. 12). He might deplore indeed the follies 
of the past and hold aloof from public life in later years, but it 
seemed an easy thing to retire from the contest when the prize 
was won, and to put a polish on his cheap regrets while living in 
luxurious easc. It might be that his repentance was sincere, and 
went beyond the meaning of his words, but while he confessed 
to some of the frailties of youth he spoke perhaps in too self- 
righteous tones of his freedom from the feults of othezs (cum ab 
reUquarum malis moribus dissentirem, Cat. 3. 5). 

He is said to have married Terentia, the wife whom Cioero 
had divorced (Hieron. adv. Jov. 1), but was childless probably, 
as he adopted a giandson of his sister (Tac Ann. 3. 30. 3). 
After Caesart death he retired from the worid of politics, and 
returned to the literary mterests of early days. His leisure at 
any mte was well employed. In it was produced not only the 
two treatises which are preserved ibr us entire, but also a much 
longer history of the period which ibllowed Sulla's death, of 
which some fiagments merely now remain* His own life was 
cnt short in 35, four years before the time of dvil strife was 
c l osed by the foial vktory of Acdum, and the Augustan age of 
Uterature bcgan, 



THE UFB AND WORKS OF SALLUST. g 

It will be secn that Sallust had at least one qoalification for 
his literary work. He had helped to make history befbre he 
tried to write it ; he had lived in all the strife of social forces, 
and was conversant with the intrigues of public life; political 
ideas and party names were full of life and meaning to him, and 
not the mere abstractions of the student Up to his time 
indeed such history as had been written at Rome was the work 
chiefly of the statesmen and the soldiers who left bejrind them 
personal memoirs or annals of their times ; there was no dis- 
tinct literary dass to regulate the canons of historical research, 
or the forms and methods of procedure. The order bf arrange* 
ment was determined by the annalistic sequence which grew 
out of the enlarged almanack put forth in ruder times by the 
chief pontiff (pontifex maximus), A striking change was intro- 
duced by Sallust, who was one of the first to take a subject rather 
than a period of time, and to aim at greater breadth and unity 
of treatment. He handled therefore his materials with greater 
freedora, and could work them up with more eye to their 
logical effect than writers who were hampered by traditional 
rules. Put his love of broad effects and analysis of character 
was not balanced by any very painstaking research in his pre- 
paratory studies. We need not lay great stress indeed upon 
the help which he received from a trained Greek scholar, Ateius 
Praetextatus, styled Philologus, who is said to have prepared 
a manual of Roman history (breviarium rerum omnium Ro- , 
manarum t Suet. Gramm. 10) for his spedal use. The story 
may belong to an earlier period of his life, or may point only to 
tuch assistance in details as literary men may fairly seek from 
experts m some departments of their work. 

He was certainly himself no inexperieuced tiro, trusting to his 
mother wit and natural grace of stylc. In some Greek litera- 
ture he was quite at home without a guide ; Thucydides had 
been studied with such care that incidental phrases recurred to 
his memory and found an echo in his words, besides the more 
elaborate descriptions which he often tried to reproduce or rival 
m his own pictorial efforts. He was familiar with some 
of the speeches of Demosthenes, and parts of Xenophon, as also 
with letters which were commonly ascribed to Plato^ to speak 
only of the writings which have stamped themselves most 



I 

/ 



INTRODVCTION. 



» 
• 



i 



dearly on his thought and language. But this was natural 

enough fbr an educated Roman, whose studies in rhetoric were 

sure to take him back to the Hellenic models, and give him 

a quick eye for points and illustrations which might prove 

oserul on occasion. He knew enough of them to recognise 

i their excellence of form and of arrangement, and he was cer- 

; I tainly not over-weighted by hio learning, though the imitation 

is ai times perhaps somewhat laboured. 

To speak at present only of the matter of his work, the facts 

I \ whtch were the groundwork of his narrative had to be drawn, 

; I of course, from other sources. For the nearer times of the 

Conspiracy of Catiline there were the memories of living men 

to be consulted, published speeches such as those of Cicero, 

the records of the proceedings in the Senate, and other docu- 

roents lodged m the archives of the state, the memoirs of tho 

public men concemed as agents or as witnesses in aftairs of 

i , . moment, mmiliar letters which had outlived the writers, and 

which renected the shifting fancies and prejudices of Roman 

fossipw Fcr the earlier times with which he was concerned 

the materials had been already shaped by other hands, in formal 

histories like that of L. Cornelius Sisenna, whom he names (Jug. 

, 9S* 2 )> ***& in chapters of the annalists who had drawn out 

\ a connected narrative of past times, among whom may be 

spedfied Q. Claudius Quadrigarius and Q. Valerius Antias 

of the age of Sulla, and C. Licinius Macer, a contemporary of 

Cicero. More special data might be found in the memoirs 

written by the men who played a leading part in stirring 

times, such as M. Aemilius Scaurus and P. Rutilius Rufus, and 

the greatest of them the dictator Sulla. 

We axe left indeed ahnost to conjecture as to the authorities 
whom Sallust chiefly fbllowed. It was not usual with andent 
writers to oonfess their literary obligations, or to discuss the 
sources of their infbrmation. It is not surprising therefore that 
he hardry names his predecessors, and makes no comparativo 
statement of their value. The books that were ready to his 
haad are lost to ns, and little but their names survives. Of the 
Jugurthine War no narrative is fbund at any tength save in our 
author, though Orosius (5. 15) speaks of the opina scriptorum 
hKutmHm m connexkm with it 



I 



\ • 



1 



THE UFE AND WORKS OF SALLUST. 7 

. There is little cfaance therefore of distinguishing his work 
from that of others whom he may have followcd. There are 
more data to enable us to criticise the use of his materials in 
the other treatise, and from them» as also from internal evidence, 
we see that in accuracy and laborious research he fell far short 
of the highest standard. It may be convenient to notice briefly 
some of his shortcomings. 

(i) In his avoidance of the annalistic order. he went to quite 
an opposite extreme. Chronological details are quite ignored, 
even when they are most needed to explain the movement of ' 
events. The omission of these is a capital defect in his account 
of the various stages of the Conspiracy of Catiline ; in the 
Jugurthine War the only indication of the dates is given in the 
names of the Consular commanders, but there are errors cer- 
tainly implied in his vague and general statements, for too much 
work is crowded into the compass of a short campaign, and 
a whole year at least is left unaccounted fbr in his description. 
It is not needful to illustrate this feature further, as it is 
discussed more at iength in the notes upon the text 

(2) Geographical precision is not a strong point of his works. 
Ancient historians in general took little heed of physical con-' 
ditions, seldom thought of travelling themselves over the seat 
of war to understand the military movements and describe more 
vividly the battlefields. It would be natural to suppose indeed 
that Sallust had a special interest in the matter, for many of , 
the fragments of his Histories seem to belong to geographical 
digressions, and his long description of the neighbourhood of 
the Euxine Sea is referred to with marked praise {inclytam 
dtscriptionem, Festus Avienus 37) ; but at any rate he does not 
seem to have made great use of his position of Governor of 
Numidia to get his knowledge at first hand of the scenes which 
he describes. He sketches indeed in a few telling phrases the 
main aspects of the country, but he gives us scarcely any names 
by which to follow the armies on their march, he transports 
them to and fro with very scanty recognitkm of the vast 
distances involved, and contents himself with vague and general 
statements where we could wish for definite details. It is 
natural to suppose that he must have been at Cirta, and the 
inscription carved in two plaoes on the rock {U*us fundi 



I » 



* S INTRODUCTION. 

Sallustiam) at Constantme, has been supposed to indicate the 
bonndaries of the property of the proconsul, 'where he was 
wont to come in his leisore hours to coinbine the charms of 
philosophy with the more material pleasnres of this lhV (Play- 
fair, Handbook to Algiers, 196). 
But if so we might expect to hear more of the wonderful 

; I strength of the rock fortress, instead of the commonplaces 

of the operations of a siege almost impossible in such a scene. 
The town itself at that time was in the hands probably of 
Sittius» the bold condottiere who had done good service m 

1 » the war, and received in reward from Caesar, as a sort of petty 

prindpality, the stronghold which he had taken. 

(3) Another weak point is his unwarrantable confidence in 
• his own powers of reading the thoughts and feelings of the chief 

' actors on the scene. He imputes motives without the least 

reserve, states his inferences as matters of fact, turns slanderous 
gossip into substantial crimes, and describes the shifting currents 
of emotion in the heart of a Catiline or a Bocchus where from 
the nature of the case little or nothing could certainly be 
known. 

(4) In putting laboured speeches of his own into the mouths 
of others he simply followed the common practice of the Greek 
historians, and espedally of Thucydides his fcvourite modeL 

} They were regarded as rhetorical performances into which they 

put the strongest arguments that could be urged, or the most 
emotional appeals in favour of the line of policy which was to 
be suggested, and like advocates they tried to make the best 
case for the speaker whatever he might actuaily have said. 
It was very rare to find a writer like Pompeius Trogus (Justin, 
38. 3. 11) objecting to the employment of such speeches on 
the ground that they were not authentic Those of Sallust are 
vigorous and tmpressive, though the one attributed to Catiline 
(C 20) is not quite in keeping with the requirements of the 
audience supposed, and that of Marius is too rhetorical fbr an 
unlettered soldier* 

(5) His prefisces have been also critidsed, as by Quintilian, 
Ibr their waat of logical connexion with his subject (ntAii ad 
kisiorum p*r&utUibm* prindpiu orsus ssf, 3. 8. 9), They are 
probably dae to imitations of Greek writers, though they agree 



I 



THE LIPE AND WORKS OF SALLUST. 9 

with his ideal of history, in which the reflecdons are more 
important than the facts. In the shorter work the introduction 
is certainly of disproportionate length, and we may be weary 
of prctentious phrases which dress np snch platitudes as that 
the mind is of more value than the body, and the greatness 
of Rome was due to the hardihood and valour of her sons. 

(6) His moral horizon too was somewhat narrow, though 
he does complain so bitterly of venal statesmen and vicious 
and self-indulgent nobles, and talks in Pharisaic style of the 
craft and cruelty of the barbarian Jugurtha. Yet he has no 
word of blame for the meanness of the Roman when Metellus 
tried to bribe the Numidian servants to betray their master, 
or when Sulla ensnared the foe he could not conquer. He 
passes coldly over the hard fate of the inhabitants of Capsa, 
put in cold blood to the sword for a quarrel which was in no 
way of their making. He looks back withont misgiving on 
the masterful policy of Roman conquest, and even when he 
dwells on the misrule of the oligarchy, scarcely notices its. 
neglect of duty to the subject world, which the empire was soon 
to correct and to avenge. ' His quarrel with the nobility is not 
that they oppressed the commons, or that they were burdensome 
to the worid, but that they made it impossible fbr young men to 
rise by good behaviour' (Simcox, Lat. Lit. L 223). 

(7) Is Salhxst to be regarded as a pamphleteer, or can we 
find an object for his writings in the wish to discredit the old 
rigims and to vindicate the memory of Caesar? (Mommsen, 
R. Hist Tr. 4. 2. 184, note). There is littlc evidence in favour 
of this view. Rather it would seem that the eager partisan 
of early days, when he retired from the bnsy world to li ve among 
his books and spacious gardens, breathed a cooler air than the 
atmosphere of party passions. 

He had seen too much of all sides to have much admiration 
left for any : there were few public men of note who had not 
stooped to low intrigues in the interest of faction ; he thought 
with some shame of his own antecedents, and his experience of 
Roman drcles may account for the tone of pessimism which 
may be often noted in his writings, and which is so difierent 
from the earnest conviction of a real refbrmer. There are two 
characters alone of whom he speaks with any great respect, 



IO INTRODUCTION. 



r 



and tbey were the most markedly opposed in tfae wholc spirit of 
their policy and temper ; for past and future seemed to stand 
out m contrast when Caesar and Cato looked each other in 

i theface. 

' He had been a Caesarian himself, had served the winning 

cause and met with his reward, but he deals frankly with the 
errors of his side, and gives us no ideal programme of reform. 



i " 



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j He has no enthusiasm for the memory of the Gracchi, no 

: . passionate sympathy fbr any of the suffcrcrs from senatorian 

1 misrule. He can speak with impartial tones of questions of 

debate» for he has no strong faith in any creed to disturb his 

\ jadgment of the rest 

Although our estimate of the merits of Sallust as an historian 
may not be high according to our modern standards, there can 
be no doubt that his popularity as a writer was- very great 

j in andent times. 

1 We can trace his influence even in a style so markedly 

original as that of Tadtus, and in tbe days of Martial he could 
be spoken of as fbremost in Roman history (primus Romana 
Crisfus in kittoria^ Ep. 14. 191). 

Echoes of his phrases recur in a long line of later authors, 
and his works were the favourite source of illustrations for 
the technical grammarians and critics. His vigorous and 
wetghty language fbrmed a marked relief to the smooth and 
level periods of other writers; his sketches of character were 

\ . vivid and impressive» the more so perhaps that he had so little 

Iscruple about the arrangement of his lights and shades ; he 
had graphic powers of description, as Xn the account of the 
rsralade of the fbrt on the Mulucha ; his sharply cut phrases 
became elegant extracts and easily stamped themselves upon 
the memory. His brevity was also in his favour, though it was 
purchased at the cost of the suppresskm of much that was 
importaat fbr the fbH understanding of the progress of events. 
But he was never overburdened with his facts, he dealt lightly 
with thetaskof buildingup the solid groundwork of accurate in- 
fbrmarion, and spent his strength on points of style, and critical 
reflections and maTims, the philoaophy of which is not always 
ocosouno* 
The manner was better than the matter y but those who loved 



1 1 • 



TffJB UFB AND WORKS OF SALLUST. II 

dctails might turn to the older annalists or to the voluminous 
works of Livy. He dealt too with the near past, and with 
periods of stirring interest where his pages never needed to 
be dull. 

If we turn to inquire more narrowly into the nature of the 
language which he uses, we shall find two objections to it stated 
by the ancient critics which may seem perhaps somewhat mcon- 
sistent. We hear on the one band of the archaisms which he 
affected (nimia priscorum vtrborum affectatio^ Sueton. Gramm. 
10), on the other, we are told of the innovations of his jtyle 
(novandi studium, A. Gell. 4« 15. 1). 

But the two seem only different aspects of one fact. The 
literary language of his day was growing too smooth and 
regular to suit his taste, and he went back to older models 
where he fbund the strong words and telling phrases which 
might give at times a certain picturesqueness to his pages. 
The extent indeed to which this ten^ -rcy was carried has been 
long matter of dispute, and from the lack of neeural evidence 
the question cannot be dedded. There can be little doubt 
however that he drew much from the elder Cato, who was the 
first to give a definite form to Latin prose fbr the purposes of 
history. Owing to such obligations he was called a 'blundering 
plagiarist' by Lenaeus (intruditissimum Jurem, Sutton. Gramm. 
15), and an old epigram quoted by Quintilian is aimed at the 
'Crispus who stole so much from ancient Cato' (& 3. 19). 
Augustus also blamed him for like reason (Suet Oct 86). It 
was natural for one who had seen so much of the darker 
side of life» and thought so badly of his times, to turn to the 
pages of a sterner moraiist for the pictures of a simpler age, 
and to transfer something of their rude energy and colour to 
the speeches written for the men ofantique stamp such as 
the Memmius and Marius of the Jngurthine War. Elsewhere 
even the close resemblance of a thought or phrase may show 
the influence of the earlier author. 

But beyond this we can hardly go with any oonfidence. So 
little now remains of the earlier prose writers, and that little 
is in so fragmentary a state that it seems rash to draw definite 
condusions as to spedal pobts of contrast bctween any of their 
styles and that ef Sallust. 



19 



INTRODUCTION. 



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An old-mshioned word or two, such as prosapia, or unusual 
forms like nequitur, strenuissimus, votvere cum animo t are 
chiefly to be found in Cato's fragments: others, like patres 
famiUarum, or adverbial forms ending in -im, were espedally 
aflected by Sisenna, and it is natural to think that we can trace 
in each case the special influence of the earlier author. Many 
other so-called archaisms have been noticed in his pages, such 
as the masculine nouns forus t volgus t vadus t endings like those 
ofcotos and taoos f tbe ablative diu, the genidve stnatt\ neglegissei 
(Jug. 40. i) f dextumus (Jug. too. 2), necessUudo for necessitas, 
the passive participle conventus (Jug. 112. a), dolens m an active 
sense (Jug. 84. 1), patrare and ductare, suppHcia (Cat 9. 2), 
venena in a neutral sense. 

Many o£ these were passing out 6f use, though not already 
obsotete, when Sallust" transferred them to his pages to give 
perhaps more relief and colour to his styte, or in part from 
unconsdous imitation o£ the writers or the times which he 
preferred. 

Some of his forms again may bave belonged more to the 
people^s language than to the conventional Latinity of Rome. 
Sucfa was certainly the ending of the perfect tense in -ere rather 
than -erunt f and the same remark may* be applied possibly to a 
fcw of the supposed archaisms which he employs. But to say 
with Wftlfflin that his diction was the peoplefr democratic style 
(PhiloL 1874, p. 137) is to outrun the evidence completely, and 
to confuse the rich man of the world who enjoyed his literary 
ease and splendid gardens with some half-educated politician of 
the streets. Generally it may be said that older forms of 
language appear more often m the fragments o£ his Histories 
than in the two earlier treatises which are left entire, and seem 
to have been allowed less freely tn the narrative itself than in 
the speeches where the colour of antiquity was more in keeping 
with the characters or the sentiments which they expressed» 
It seems, however, that a century later this very feature became 
spedally attractive to the Roman purists, and, among others, 
the Emperor Hadrian p re fer red even the earlier writer Caelius 
Antipater to Sallust as savouring much more o£ the antique 
(Spartian. Hadr. 16. 6). 

The proseof Sallust wms so notable an improvement upon the 



t 1 



THE UFE AND WORKS OF SALLUST. 13 

rugged Latin of the eariier historians» that if be was indebted to 
them it was for the acoessories rather than the essentials of his 
style. A far more important influence was that of the writings 
of Thucydides, whom he evidently accepted as his literary 
modd. A later writer called him aemulus Tkucydidis (Vell. 
Pat. 2. 36. 2), and the andent critics frequently speak of the 
two in dose connexion. There were indeed some common 
features in their relations to their respective times. Each began 
to write when his political career was dosed : each assnmed an 
impartial tone that rose above the disturbing influence of party 
passions; in each there was a want of sympathy with the 
prevailing spirit of the age. There is in both the same tendency 
to restrict attention to purely human causes, to the complete 
exdusion of the divine, the same analysis of the motives of the 
agents and description of their thoughts and fedings, the same 
desire of dignity of style» wbich is not however accompanied in 
the case of SaUust by contempt for the scandalous gossip of 
thestreets. 

There is perhaps the same overestimate of thc importance of 
the wars which were chosen in each case for description. It 
was a bold thing however of Quintilian to put them on the same 
levd of merit (nec Thucydidi opponere SallusHum verear 9 10. l) v 
while admitting the numerous obligations of the later writer 
(ex Graeco transiata vel Saliustii plurimoy 9, 3). 

Sometimes we may trace this imitation in the arrangement 
and matter of the work, as when a line of thought is suggested 
by the topics of a speech (Thuc 3. 41-48, c£ Sall. C. 51), or 
details are copied from a picturesque description (Thuc 3. 22, 
cL S. J. 94), or a sketch of earlier history introduced by way of 
preface (Thuc x, cf. S. C 6). 

More frequently it may be observed in the characteristic 
features of the style. Both are mmous for their brevity. But in 
the Greek it is a power of vigorous and comprehensive state- 
ment, which accompanies a full knowledge of the facts, a dose 
observation of details, and a subtle power of analysing the 
various aspects of a thought and devdoping its issues, which 
runs sometimes into excessive delicacy of fine drawn specu* 
lation. 

The language of Sallust may be strong and terse» but there is 



14 INTRODUCTION. 



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no great depth of thought behind it, nor power of original 

insight Tbe gain of space is often due to the neglect rather 

than the oompression of materials, and the conciseness appears 

i i at times somewhat laboured, as of one who was not quite 

master of his art. Aulus Gellius speaks of his consummate skill 
in this respect (subtilissimus brevitatis artifex % 3. 1. 6), but he 
refers probably to something more than to such artifices of style 
as those of the historic infinitive to give vivacity and movement 
to descriptive passages, or the omission of the copula which is 
so frequent with him (asyndeton) 9 or the suppression of words 
easily supplied in thought such as the parts of the verb esse 
(ellipse\ or the nse of a single word to do double work in 
somewhat different senses (seugma). These firequently recur 
mdeed, but they are only superfidal indications of the immor* 
talis itla velocitas of Quintilian (10, 1), which points to the 
directness and compre s sion of the language, in which every 
excrescence has been pruned away, and the whole is pervaded 
by epigrammatic point and polish. 

A favourite arrangement of Thucydides consists in the balance 
of short contrasted phrases— waplamatt as it has been technically 
called This was also largely used by Sallust, as in the phrases 
taudis avids\ pecnniae liberales; gloriam ingentem, divitias 
kanestas volebant (C. 7. 6) ; aliud elausum in pectore^ aliud in 
lingua promptum (10, 5). The effect was also heightened by 
theinversion technically called chiasmus t as in the last example» 
and mproelio strmuus erat et bonus consilio (J, 7. 5). 

We find also the same expedients as in the Greek writer 
to secure vivadty of style by sudden variations of construction. 
Sometimes this oonsists in change from the active to the neuter 
verb, as in movere quam senescere omnia matebat (J* 35* 3)» or 
frorn past to present tense siquid ab senatu petere vellent t ab 
mrmis discedant (C 34. 1) : sometimes in change of case, as 
plerique patriae 9 sed omnes fama atque /ortunis expertes sumus 
(C jj. 1), or in substitution of adverb ibr noun, as majores 
\ nastri . . . re*U atque ordine fecsrs (C. 51. 4), or preposition for 

the oblique case alone, as nequepervim neque insidiis (J. 7. 1): 

s n in e tim et in still bokLer variations, as quodin invidia res erat 9 

tbmut et mb Numidis obsecrati (J. s£ 5), or in the constructio ad 

aa casujuruvort pauct • • • dt q uu • • • d icu n t (C« i& i)« 






THB UFB AND WORKS OF SALLUST. 15 

To tbese we may add the substantival use of the neoter of an 
adjective, which was perhaps enconraged by the example of 
Thucydides, and which became common enough in later Latin, 
though rarely carried to such a length as in the humi arido 
aiqui harenoso of (J. 4& 3)* 

We may notioe in this connexion the imitation of Greek 
idioms which we find in Sallust, as neque plebi militia volenti 
putabatur (J. 84. 3); quae (oao) homines arant navigant 
aedificant (C. 2. 7) ; multus instare (J. 84. 1), cf. woXvt ir*K*iro 
(Thuc.) ; nuda gignentium (J. 79. 6). These, however, aie not so 
numerous as might be supposed from the statements of andent 
critics. 

A further colour was aiso given to his style by the use of 
figures more usual in poetry than in prose. Among these may be 
noticed that of Jitotes, as bene dicere haudabsurdum est (C. 3. 1) ; 
illi haud timidi resistunt (C. 60. 3) : and metaphors in regard 
to which Asinius Pollio remarked his audacia in translationibus 
(Suet Gramm. 10), c£ cujus inpudentia contra jus et injurias 
omnis munitus foret (J. 33. 2) ; Catilina cum exerdtu /aucibus 
urget (C. 52. 35). In this connexion may be also noticed words 
used by the poets which were not before naturalised in prose Kke 
vecordia, semianimus 9 inclutus f excidium, aevum t temfestas (in 
thesenseoftime). 

On the whole, a careful reader will probably agree with the 
judgment of Quintilian (Inst. 2. 5) that the treatises of Sailust 
are not so well suited for beginners as for riper students. In 
some sense ihdeed they may be easy, for the sentences are 
short, the constructions are direct, and the vocabulary is not 
extensive. But there is much in the subjects chosen and the 
mode of treatment to appeal more to the mature reason than 
the youthful fancy. The abstract language of the prefaces, the 
large place given to details of party politics, the tone of 
pessimism in the general remarks are not of universal interest 
Hke many of the portraits and dramatic scenes of Livy. The 
style itself is highly artifidal : its brevity sometimes apparent 
more than real : its sententious phrases and deliberate abrupt- 
ness, relieved by epigrammatic points and studied variety of 
forms, require some experience to estimate aright, and limit the 
authort value as a literary modeL 



16 



iNTRODtrCTIOI/. 



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The Conspiracy of Catiline 1 . 

Im dealing with the Catilinarian conspiracy of 63 B.C, it is 
necessary to begin with the details of an earlier plot in 66, 
of which Sallust inserts a brief account parenthetically in his 
etghteenth chapter. 

In the course of that year Catiline had returned from pro- 
vindal government as propraetor in Africa, to be followed 
shortly by a charge of peculation or extortion (repetundae), 
which justified the presiding magistrate in regarding him as 
disqualified as candidate at the elections for the consuls of the 
ensuing year (prohibitus erai amsulatum fetere, 18. 3). 

P. Autronius Paetus and P. Cornelius Sulla were elected, but 
were pxosecuted immediately for bribery under the Calpurnian 
law dt ambitUy and when found guilty were stripped of their 
office, degraded from the senate, and made incapable of holding 
any post ofrank. 

The rival candidates, L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius 
Torquatus, who had been busy in the trial, were elected in their 
stead ; but befbre they entered upon office a plot was formed 
to murder them, and by a coup <Pitai to put the leading con- 
spirators in their places. 

But the names of these are differently stated. Livy (Ep. 101), 
Dion Cassius (36. 44), and Suetonius (J. Caesar 8), the last of 
whom cites four authorities for his version of the story, state or 
imply that Autronius and Sulla, as the prime movers in the 
plot, were to be the future consuls. Sallust names Catiline in 
the place of Sulla, and Cicero, when pleading, years afterwards, 
in defence of Sulla, naturally tries to make the best of some 
awkward statements of his own upon the subject, and to throw 
the guilt on the then notorious Catitine. The balance of the 
evidence is much in favour of the formes version. Sulla had 
been dosely associated so far with Autronius ; he was wealthy 
and ambitious, and his political career seemed closed without 
some bold stroke of the kind : there was less reason to stir, 



»Forthe 
LdptfeiST^ 




of the Literatare 00 this subject, ct Die Entste- 
der CaUli&uischea Venchworoag voa Dr. C John, 



THB CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. 17 

howcver, in order to aggrandize another, who had retorned 
but lately from abroad, and might well take a lower place. 

For the rest there is no dispute as to the complicity of 
Cn. Piso, or the suspicions which rested upon M. Crassus. 
Suetonius adds that J. Caesar was also privy to the ploL The 
secret got abroad, it seems, and the attempt therefbre was 
postponed, and a guard even was given to protect the consuls. 
It seems strangethat treason so widely known should be hushed 
up, and a commission in Spain given to Piso, while Catiline 
was defended by Torquatus when his trial presently came off. 
It ts probable that powerful intriguers were behmd the scenes, 
who hoped to profit by a sodal crisis, and regarded Piso, and 
perhaps Catiline, as serviceable tools to be used against 
Pompeius, who might be dangerously great when he returned 
with his victorious army from the East Piso was sent to Spain 
to neutralise the influence of Pompeius, which had been gained 
there in the war against Sertoriui. Catiline, it would seem, was 
quite a secondary figure in the movement, which had none of 
the features of a sodalistic propaganda. There was certainly 
some interval between the fkilure of the first and the growth 
of the second revolutionary scheme. The trial which was 
hanging over Catiline in 66 was allowed to proceed in 65, 
but his acquittal followed in the autumn, not without grave 
suspicions of collusion on the part of the accuser Clodius and 
the jury. 

The consul L. Torquatus and other nobles appeared in court 
in his behalf, as if to discredit the rumours that were lately 
currenL 

It was then too late for him to stand for the consulship that 
year, but he began to pose as a candidate in 64, and in concert 
with C. Antonius Hybrida to strain every nerve in order to 
secure their election for the following year. Thespeechoftheir 
rival Cicero in toga candida is full of the details of their 
electioneering practices, and Asconius his commentator explains 
the referehces in the speech to the intrigues of Caesar and of 
Crassus, who were using all their infiuence against him (/0- 
UnHstimi Ciuronis rtfragatons). If so, their efforts were in 
vain, for Cicero and Antonius were elected. 

The defeat of Catiline was followed by another prosecutfon. 



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18 HFTRODUCTIOK 



He was accosed of taking pait in the murderbus proscriptions 

under Sulla, and Caesar was bimself the president of the court 

! whicfai was busy with Hke cases (judex quaestionis di sicariis, 

Saet. Caes. n). This may have been a party measure to 

embarrass Caesar, and to cast a slur npon him in the case of an 

acquittal, fbr Catihne was cnrrently reported to have murdered 

in cold blood M. Marins Graddianus an eminent victim of that 

reign of terror. 

Catiline was again acquitted, but the popnlar leaders may 

i ', have felt that they could do no more for him, for there is no 

evidence of any furtber action on their part in his behal£ He 

,> was not the man however to despair. If the statesmen of the 

' democratic party wonld not help him, there was a lower deep to 

wbich he might appeaL 

j There was misery and discontent enongh abroad, and Italy 

was full of fhel for revolutionary fires. Not many years before 

j great armies had spread fire and pillage through wide regions, 

and oonntless nunilies whose homesteads were destroyed had 

been tumed loose npon the world ; the victims of SnhVs con- 

fiscations conld leave only ruin and a thirst for vengeance to 

t their children ; the veterans who were quartered on their lands 

2 *, - were many of them weary of their homely labours, and ready to 

take part again in stirring scenes ; there were numbers of the 
yeomen, rnined by the eoonomic changes of the past, driven to 
become soldiers of fortune, or else brigands, or merged in the 
noisy rabble of the streets. There were the bold corsairs, swept 
| \ by Pompeius from the seas, who did not find it quite so easy to 

! earn a livelihood in honest ways. In Rome itself too there 

I ' were many dasses who had no reason to love the present order 

I | and everything to gain by sodal change. Nobles of old family, 

. | banknipt m means and reputation ; adventurers of the Civil 

t Wars who had spent their gains and wanted more ; intriguers 

whose politjcal career was dosed by the verdict of the courts ; 
fanatics of democracy, who loathed the extravagant pretensions 
of the few ; thousands of the landless poor who were jostled by 
the slave firom the door of every honest calling— these were the 
resnhs of misgovernment and revolntion in the past— these were 
the natural recruits for any bold refbrmer who was not delicate 
aboot lus sodal piogramme, Catiline began to bid fbr tljeir 



THE COSSPIRACY OF CATIUNE. 10 

support ; if thcy would flock to Rome to overawe the timid 
at the poiling, or help to make him consul by their votes, then 
he would freely use in their behalf the powers of the state which 
were given to his hancL The land-bUls and the corn-laws of 
the Graochi, the law of debt passed by L. Valerius Flaccus, these 
had already shown the way, and much more might be done 
to raise the level of the neediest dasses. This is the picture 
painted for us by the speech of Cicero pro Murena, which was 
delivered shortly after the elections. It implies an ultra- 
democratic programme, but not an anarchic or socialist up- 
heaval, however ominous it might seem from the hopes or wild 
talk of its partisans. 

Catiline was still on constitutional ground, save so far as the 
doings of his canvassers or the bravos in his train pointed to 
the use of bribes or force to win his seat 

Cicero was alarmed indeed by what he saw, or by the private 
information he received, and prevailed upon the senate to post- 
pone the elections for awhile, and hold a debate upon the subject, 
but there was no evidence of treason to convince them, or to 
warrant any exceptional proceedings» The elections therefore 
followed in due course ; if there was any design upon the life 
of Cicero, as he often urged in later speeches, there was no 
overt action : but Catiline was again defeated, and the vote fell 
on D. Junius Silanus and L. Lirinius Murena. 

The baffled man had now no resource left but force to gain his 
ends, and what was a party struggle became a revolutionary plot. 

It is impossible to accept or reconcile so far the accounts 
given us by Sallust. As early as June 64 Catiline himself is 
represented as concerting measures for an armed uprising, and 
promising plunder and a new start in life [tabula* novae) to all 
his followers, when he is standing for the consulship for the first 
time, and seems to have no reason for staking all upon the 
chance of war. There could be no hope that a secret shared 
by so many would be long kept, there was little reason for 
letting it drag on fbr years. 

His speech, which breathes fire and sword, is only fitted for 
the ears of the neediest adventurers, and not ibr men of rank 
and wealth like some of those whom Sallust namet among 
flsidifince* 



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j 90 INTRODUCTION. 

The historian tdls us nothing of the prosecntion befbre Caesar 9 
nor of the warning urged by Cioero npon the senate, nor of the 
postponement of the dections, but simply paints a strong pictore 
of the wild designs of Catiline, which appear roll-blown from 
the first, and then a fancy scene of the meeting of conspirators 
listenmg to impassioned words. 

For tbe details of the whole movement Sallust, as is usual 
with him, gives us scarcely any dates ; but it is important to get 
a dear view of the sequence of events, though some points 
are stfll matters of dispute. It seems most probable that the 
dections actually took placc in tbe summer, after a short 
postponement only. Some time was needed certainly after 
the defeat to send emissaries to the country districts, and 
prepare for the rising in Etruria, espedally if we bdieve that 
it was onry then— when other measures failed— that the plotters 
drifted into treason and dedded to appeal to force» 

The first certain date from which to start is that of Oct sist 
(Cic. Cat. I. J. 7). Crassus and other nobles, we are told by 
Plutarch, had come to Cicero in the night, and shown him 
letters received from unknown writers to warn them to quit 
Rome which would soon be a scene of bloodshed (Plut Crass. 
13 ; Cic 15). The consul convened the senate on the morrow, 
and caused the letters to be read aloud, then laid before them 
all that he had heard from his informers of the designs of the 
conspirators at Rome, and of the rising in Etruria, for wliich 
the day was fixed already (PluL Cic. 15). The senate was 
convinced at last that a crisis was at hand, and armed the 
consnl with such powers as the sauUtts consultum uliimum 
could confer (SalL Cat 29. 3). A few days afterwards the 
sews arrived that Manlius had risen at Faesulae on the 27th,— 
if SaQust can be trusted for the only date he gives us— or on 
I the asth, as we may possibly infer from the doubtful text of 

Cicero (Cic. Cat. i. 3« 7). There was no time to be lost, and 
ateps were taken to raise troops, and dispatch generals to the 
variouspomtsofdanger. At tnis debate, or shordy afterwards, 
Catfline wms impeached for breach of peace (d$ vi) by L> 
Aemflins Paulus, and ofiered himself for custody to M. 
Metellus, on the rerasal of the consul to accept him (SalL 
CaL 31. 4). The govemment was now forewarned and spies 



1 



THE CONSPIRACY OF CATILINE. St 

were watchful. An attempt to seixe Praeneste failed on Nov. 
ist (Cat. i. 3. 8), and Manlius was not near enough to join 
hands with insurgents in the city. So the plot stiil dragged. 

Bttt on the eve of the 7th of November (nocti *a quai 
consccuta est posterum diem Nonarum Nov n Cic p. SuD. 18. 52) 
a meeting of the conspirators took place in the house of Laeca, 
when it was decided to murder the consul early on the morrow 
in his house, and then to give the signal fbr a general outbreak 
in the disaffected districts, while their enemies were massacred 
at Rome. The assassins failed to gain an entrance, for the spiea 
had warned the consul of his danger. 

The day passed on— for it seems safer to assume this short 
delay, than to believe that the plotters had put off their attempt 
a day, or that Cicero was mistaken in the date. On the 8th 
certainly the senate was convened (Asconius on Cat I. 2. 4)1 
and heard from Cicero the full details of what had passed, in 
the first of his extant speeches on the subject. Catiline was 
forced by the exposure to quit the senate house and Rome. 
On the morrow the consul laid the facts before the people, and 
his contio is left as the second Catilinarian oration. Meantime 
the accomplices in Rome were busy in intrigues with the envoys 
of the Allobroges in Gaul, on whose wrongs and discontent they 
reckoned for sympathy and help in revolution. But their secret 
was again betrayed, and on Dec. 3rd the leaders were arrested, 
with evidence enough to prove their guilt when they were con- 
fronted with the envoys in the senate. Notes of the evidence 
were taken in shorthand by the consuTs orders, and copies dis- 
tributed broadcast, but in addition Cicero addressed a public 
meeting in the evening, and delivered the third of his orations. 
On Dec 5th the great debate took place in the senate as to 
the fitte of the criminals whose guilt was dear ; and after long 
discussion, of which we have full details, the majority was fbr 
the penalty of death, which fbllowed in due course. 

If we now turn to the narxative of Sallust we shall find 
that:-~ 

t°. He gives no dates but one (Oct 27th), and that does not 
Certainly agree with Cicenrt aocount, though the doubtfiil 
figures of the MSS. have possibly been altered, in some casea 
fbr the purpose. 



1 / 



33 INTRODUCTION. 

2*. The meeting in Laeca's house is put too early, before it 

was dear that Cicero knew their secrets and was a danger in 

thetr path» before Manlius could be ready to give help, or there 

. had been time to prove that the last card must be played (uH 

multa agitanti nihil procedit (27. 3). 

. 5*. The proceedtngs in the Senate on Nov. 8th are, therefore, 
fll explamecL Nothing is said of the attempt which had just 
feiled, of the disclosures made by Crassus, or of the full 
knowledge of the plot shown by the consul, or of the real 
canse which drove Catiline away, when he knew that treachery 
tied his hands at Rome. 

4°. The inverted sequence of events and the omission of 
details account for the want of any development or natural 
progress in the plot He does not see in CatUine an ambitious 
man who poses first as a radical reformer, and is driven by 
repeated faUures to attempt a revolution, and finaUy a massacre 
of aU who crossed his path, but makes him from the first a 
viUain of the deepest dye, who aims at anarchy and rapine even 
whUe he is aspiring to be consul, and is unprepared at last after 
years of preparation. 

5°. He seems to aim at painting a series of vivid sketches 
rather than explaining logical connexions. Thus he gives a 
chapter (25) to Sempronia, who, as has been remarked, sits 
j fbr her portrait and then disappears ; he brings together to 

one meeting aU the leaders of the movement known to him 
j (18), and in the speech unfolds the programme of the revo- 

I lution, however little needed fbr their ears (20) ; at another 

j time in Laeca 9 s house he describes a sort of order of the 

day, without explaining why the measures should have been 
so kmg deferred (27); and in the camp of ManUus he brings 
before our mind^together aU the dasses who were ready to rise 
1 against the sodal system (28. 4). 

j &• SaUust seems to have relied too much upon his personal 

/ memories or the rumours of the time, and to have neglected 

j materials that lay ready to his haod. He speaks indeedofthe 

-' first of Cicero's orations on the subject (31. 6), but not of any 

of the others, and ignores the part he took in the great debate 
npon the $th, when the Iburth of those speeches was delivered. 
He frUs to teU us how CatUine stole away to be present at 



; ! 



. t 



\ .'• 



THE CONSPIRACY OF CATIUNR. ~- %% 

the meeting of tbe 6th, though Cicero's irony at his ctsstodian 
Metellus (Cat i. 8. 19) might have explsined the fact 

There aie minor discrepandes that may be thus accounted 
fbr, like that of the taunt at Cicero as an inquilinus dvis (31. 7)1 
which seems to have been really used at the elections (Appian, 
BelL Civ. 2. 2, Cic Orat 37, 129), and the threat incendium 
meum ruina restinguam (31. 9), which was uttered months 
before (Cic, p. Muren. 25. 51). So in 18. 3 we have post pauh 
where ante paulo seems required by the sequence of events» and 
the statement Juere ea tempestate qui crederent (17. 7) refers to 
a belief more likely to be current at a later time when men 
looked back upon the story of the past 

We may now proceed to deal with the debate upon the 5th. 
Here it should be remembered that the senate was in no sense 
a high Court of Justice, and had no right to try the prisoners 
with judidal fbrma, It could not dictate the course which 
should be fbllowed, nor relieve the executive of its responsibility 
of action. But it was natural that it should be consulted at a 
crisis when there was already an army of rebels in the field, and 
in Rome itself insurgents might at any moment rise to free their 
chiefs and fire the dty* It was no cowardice on the part of 
Cicero, for the senate couid not screen him even if it wished, 
but he followed precedent in asking fbr advice from the great 
Council of the State. 

The consul elect opened the debate and recommended to 
enfbrce the extreme vigour of the law {suppUcium sumundum, 
50. 4). The counsel found approval till Caesar rose to plead fbr 
a more lenient sentence. The long speech put into his mouth 
has been thought to be authentic in the main, and the tenor 
of its argument has been much praised. It seems, however, 
to reflect the embarrassment of the position of the speaker, who 
had been suspected of earlier intrigues with the accused, and 
whose plea for mercy might not be regarded as quite honest 
It does not take the bolder line which best became a democratic 
leader, of objecting to the whole debate as ultra vires, on 
the ground that the question was not for them but for a conrt 
of Justice. He does urge indeed that refbrms in legislation had 
snbstituted exile fbr the penalty of death. But the course 
which he proposes of imprisonment fbr life with oonfiscation 



34 INTRODUCTION. 



I 



<me qoite unknown to Roman law, and which neither senate nor 
consul could properly enforce except by an irregular procednre ; 
it was one which plainly left most chance of rescne by armed 
force» and might soon be disallowed by a sympathixing consnL 
Caesar was too dear-sighted to ignore this risk, and we cannot 
therefore bnt disconnt his previons argnment that death was no 
real panishment, and had been proved to have no adequate 
deterring force. His pleas for clemency and dispassionate 
action are certainly consistent with his own practice in the 
CivQ Wars, which was so marked a contrast to the vindictive 
spirit of his age ; but his attitnde was then that of a successful 
rebel, and settled governments have rarely found it easy to deal 
tenderly with the leaders of a revolution. His words, however, 
had much weight, and Cicero thought it needful to take part 
in the debate fcth Cat Or.)» to show that he felt himself respon* 
sible for what was done if the vote should be for a short shrift 
and no mercy, though he did not directly argue in its favour. 

An adjournment was proposed and seemed likely to be 
carried, till Cato rose and with his uncompromising words 
dedded the waverers to vote for death» In a fcw hours the 
execution foUowecL 

Was the sentence an illegal one, as Clodios and others 
urgedsoonafter? i 

It certainly was not covered by the senate's vote upon the 
subject, for the senate at this time had no judicial functions. 
Nor is it clear that by declaring martial law through the senatus 
consultum uUimum they could confer powers on the executive, 
which they did not possess themselves. The claim indeed may 
have been put forward when the old nsage dropped of naming 
a dictator for a crisis, but the popular leaders never had allowed 
h in the terms empkyed by Sallust (29. 3) and there is no proof 
' of any constitutional right 

I It is not dear then that the consul could proceed under the 

/ forms of martial law, but it might be urged that in old times the 

| ' magistrates could deal at once and without delays of justice 

with manifest onenders or oiminals who confessed their guilt 
(di ctnftssis dcut di uumufosUs^ SalL Cat 51. 5). In other 
their anthority was narrowedby the appeal to the tribunes 
the peopJa, as afterwards by aH tha couru that. were set 



THE COKSPJRACY OF CATIUNB. 25 

up for public trials, but powcrs of summary jurisdiction stiU 
remained. They were oommonly exercised indeed by praetors» 
or magistrates of lower rank, but no statute had stripped the 
consuls of the right, which rested only in abeyance. 

The laws to which reference was made by Caesar had not 
repealed the penalty of death in general terms. The Pordan 
only swept away the horrible accompaniments of the capital 
punishment of old times (mort ptajorum) ; the Valerian secured 
appeal when tribunes were at hand to interpose; the Sem- 
pronian forbad exceptional proceedings in commissions set up 
in the place of authorised courts. The Jury Courts, whose 
competence had been so much enlarged, had indeed no power 
to take life, and as they grew and gained importance death as a 
sentence became more rare. 

It cannot be proved therefore that the action of Cicero was 
illegal, but it was certatnly against the spirit, if not the letter of 
the existing law, and as such perhaps it may be called un- 
constitutionaL He put in force a magisterial power which had 
become obsolete firom long disuse, or else claimed to proceed 
by martial law by virtue of a mandate, which the senate had 
issued already in like cases, but which might fairiy be regarded 
as a usurpation. 

But he believed that the danger was a real one, and could be 
met only by prompt measures. He knew that the forces 
of repression tn the dty were too weak to cope with a deter- 
mined outbreak, and that the leaders if sent for custody. to 
country towns might soon be rescued. 

It seemed needful to deter the waverers by stern example, 
and he did no more than established governments would always 
do to defend themsdves m the supreme hour of their fate. 

There is an objection— and it is a sweeping one — which 
would refuse to allow of any such excuses 1 . It regards the 
execution in the dungeon as a mere judidal murder committed 
by a renegade who — the consulship once won— sold his fluent 
tongue and fertOe fancy to the oligarchy of the day, turned on 
his own party with all the bitterness of a deserter, and singled 



. Oodins, aad Tiberin», Yj Prot E. S. BcesW, Loodoo, 
1878. 



»6 



INTRODUCTION. 



i t 
* J 



" l 



i 



i 

i 



i 

■ < 



out its natural leader for the object of his special hate, dogged 
his path, thwarted his schemes, spread lies broadcast to fly-blow 
his reputation, and at last goaded him with false charges and 
invectives to qtiit Rome, and throw in his lot with the few 
desperate men whom misery and misgovemment had driven 
to msaxTectton» 

In this theory Catiline becomes the successor of the Gracchi, 
one of the many who saw no hope of general well-being save in 
lowermg the pretensions of the privileged few, — no statesman 
indeed but a frank soldier, who was no match for Cicero in the 
fence of words, but was soon entangled in the coils of his glib 
lies and hired informers. 

If we ask fbr the evidence on which we are asked to rewrite 
the whole history of the movement, we shall find that it is 
very slender, and must be eked out largely by assumptions. It 
Ss true, of course, that Cicero is not always consistent in his 
language, but then we must remember that an advocate must 
think only of his briefj and make the best he can out of his 
dient's case. The Caelius and the Sulla whom he afterwards 
defended had been more or less mtxed up with Catiline and 
his circle; the sweeping charges therefore of some earlier 
speeches had to be toned down, distinctions drawn, and reserves 
made in the pressing interests of his clients. It is true that 
Cicero exaggerates at times, and sounds the trumpet freely in 
his own behalf, while Sallust is not very carefol about the laws 
of evidence, and imputes motives and aims which it is impossible 
to prove. It is true that the abuses of the times were great, 
and the misrule of the nobles was scandalous enough to 
make reformers radical, and drive even good men to desperate 
courses. But we may allow all this, and yet be very &r from 
proving that there was no such plot at all, and that Catiline was 
an undeserving victim. 

We ahould remember that :— 

i. Literature has no good word to say fbr him, while it has 
moch about the praises of the GracchL All sides were repre- 

ited by it, and the oligarchs had no power to silence hostile 



a> SaHust was then old enough— at the age of twenty-three— 
to know somethmg of the &cts himsell He does not seem to 



\X 



THE WAR WITH JUCURTHA. 3) 

have loved Cioero so much as to accept his story without doubt, 
for he speaks coldly of his merits, and was thought to be after- 
wards his bitter critic. 

3. The party of reform was that which finally prevafled, or 
the empire which revenged it on its rivals ; why should it desert 
Catiline so entirely if he really was its martyr? why leave him 
no epitaph but one of shame ? 

4. Cicero had made his mark, and gained the prise of his 
ambition, He would seem to have no motive for truckling to 
the nobles or turning so fiercely on a mere reformer. The 
senate would have required some real evidence to prove his 
story, and to the last he seemed to have no doubt himself that 
he saved Rome from anarchy and pUlage. 

5. There is in fine nothing to show directly tn favour of the 
view that CatOine was somuch betterthan he has been painted. 
He died indeed like a brave man, but the soldiers of the 
Commune and the Nihilists could do the like, and the whole 
theory reads like a paradox which prejudice and party sptrit 
only can explain. 

Thb War with Jugurtha. 

Sallust gives two reasons for his choice of the Jugurthine 
War as a subject for literary treatment, but we can hardly lay 
great stress on the exactness of his languaga. It was not a 
great or memorable war (majptum et airox variaque fartuna, 
5. 1), for Rome never put out her strength or sent great armies 
to the field ; there were no battles of first-rate importance, such 
as those in which the Cimbric or Teutonic hosts were crushed 
at Aquae Sextiae or Vercellae : there was little in the plans of 
the campaigns or strategy involved to call for an enduring 
record : there was nothing to fire the fancy like the triumphal 
march of Sulla through the East or Caesart career of victory in 
GauL Nor could it be said with truth that it was the first 
occasion on which a stand was made against the haughty 
self-assertion of the nobles {tunc primum suptrbiai ndUHtatis 
obviamUumut\ fortheGracchi for a time at least had humbled 
them completely,thoughaperiodof reaction followed which was 
first broken by the movement of which Sallust tells us. 

Our author^s interest ia the subject was probably exdted first 



r 



/ 



i 



28 INTRODUCTION. 



by his own employment on the coast during the African 
campaign of Caesar, and by the knowledge of Numidia which 
he gained in the next year as proconsul. He mnst have had in 
this way some acqnaintance with the people and their country, 
and it was natural to make inquiries about the traditions of the 
natives, such as those which were collected in the Punic books 
of king Hiempsal (17. 7), as also about the passages of earlier 
history, when Numidia was brought within the range of Roman 
action* 

The relations with Jngurtha caught the fancy of a writer who 
was more of a politidan than a toldier, for though the war was 
hself neither brilliant nor momentous, it led to a trial of strength 
at Rome between the two great rival factions : it was pushed on 
to the bhter end, not so much perhaps to crush Jugurtha as to 
gain a party triumph, and the course of events in Africa brought 
the two great men upon the scene together, Marius and Sulla, 
who were soon to turn their arms against each other, and to 
stamp their influence in characters of blood upon the story 
of their times. 

The kingdom of Numidia had grown and prospered under 
the fostering inmience of Rome. Thanks to her help and 
favour the loose tribal leagues of the Massyli and the Massaesyli, 
headed by their rival chiefs, together with the clans who were 
subject to their Punic neighbours, had been gradually welded 
into unkm by the genius and unresting energy of Masinissa, and 
at the faH of Carthage the Numidian frontier was allowed to 
stretch from the Mulucha almost to the Syrtes, while the 

i Romans daimed only for their Province a narrow strip of 

territory on the coast But it was not her policy to respect 
without reserve the sovereignty of the kings upon her borders, 
and at Masinissa's death her hand was traced in the partition 

| . c/ his power among his children* Two out of the three soon 

passed away, and their shares reverted to Midpsa, who, after 
a kng period of undivided rule, left two sons who were to share 
his broad lands with their cousin Jugurtha. 

Jealous bickerings and dvil strife soon fbllowed, in the course 
of whkh the masterful Jugurtha killed one and overpowered 
the other of his rivals, and brooght the Romans once more upon 
the sccne. Their staadaxd was not so high iadeed that they 



i\X 



THE WAR WITH JUGURTHA. so 

should mtervene solcly in the interests of justice, but they had 
no wish for a resolute and ambitious prinoe npon their borders, 
with ail the forces of Numidia at his back, and again they 
insisted on division. But the strife soon broke ont afresh, in 
defiance of the authority of Rome, and the weaker lost his 
throne and life, and the bold Jugurtha ruled alone. Rome 
might not have stirred a hand to punish the aggressor, if her 
own interest had not cailed for action* As it was the govern- 
ment was slow and undedded» When war was dedared the 
generals, incapable or corrupt, betrayed the honour of their 
country and agreed to terms of ignominious peace. The tribunes 
of the commons, as the leaders of the opposition, seised the 
opportunity to denounce the conduct of afiairs, and damour fbr 
a special court for the trial of the offidal misdemeanonrs. 
Jugurtha himself appeared in Rome, not to give evidence indeed 
against his partisans, as was proposed, but to watch over his 
interests which were the subject of debate. His bribes, scattered 
with a lavish hand, might perhaps have brought him safety, 
if he had not struck down even in the streets of Rome by an 
assasshVs hand a kinsman, who was pnt forward as a rival 
daimant to his kingdom. This was too much, and he was 
warned to quit Rome at once, and to prepare for war. The 
friends who intrigued for him in the senate were driven to flight 
or silence, and the Republic sent her best generals into the field 
against him. He would gladly have purchased peace at almost 
* any price, but it was too late, and it remained only to baffle 
attack by guerilla warfare, and rely on the rugged hills and 
trackless wastes, which were formidable obstades to the move- 
ment of the legions. 

They marched to and fro over the country, ronted the native 
bands which dispersed only to reform, plundered the homesteads, 
took his strongholds and treasure dties ; bnt still the struggle 
was continned, and they seemed no nearer to the end. Bnt 
guile was tried as well as force : the proud aristocrat Metellua 
did not scruple to tamper with the servants of Jugurtha, and 
bribe them to betray their master. 

Marius and Snlladid the like with more snccess,and wonover 
the Manretanian Boochus, who entrapped Jugurtha in the tofls, 
and sold to Rome the enemy she could not conquer in the fiekU 



30 



introduction: 



The faHen chieffcain found no mercy while he lived, and after 
his death his character was pourtrayed in the darkest colours. 

It is quite probable, as has been suggested (Ihne, HXst. voL 5), 
that he was not so black as he was painted, and that the 
Civil War was not entirely due to his unscrupulous ambition; 
but it is idle now to try to rewrite without fbrther evidence 
the story of his times. Certainly his gallant struggle deserved 
more generous recognition : whUe hunted himself from place to 
place he spared the Roman Province, and wreaked no ven- 
geance where he had the power ; the charges of cruelty and 
bad faith come with an ill grace firom writers who have no word 
of oensure fbr the perfidy and meanness which akme enabled 
the generals of Rome to end the war. 

One of the chief interests for Sallust in the subject probably 
consisted in the illustrations which it gave of the shortcomings 
of the oligarchical rigim$* 

In place of the proud self-respect of real nobility he could 
see only the venality of corrupt officials, who had won their 
curule honours and standing in the senate by lavish outlay in 
catering fbr the people's pleasures and were ready to recoup 
themselves by any means, to sell their influence to the highest 
bidder, and turn their rank into their stodc in trade. The 
choice of rulers seemed to be restricted to narrow coteries of 
tiUed families, who made common cause m order to push 
fbrward the most incapable and unworthy candidates for power, 
and screen from justice notorious ofienders, while they spent 
much of their strength in personal feuds and sacrificed the 
interests of state in order to gain a momentary triumph over the 
champion of a rival faction» 

The hanghty arrogance of the nobles, who claimed place and 
power as their ezdusive right, is aptly iUustrated by the cool 
contempt with which Metellus discouraged the hopes of Marius 
and deeply ofiended the ambitious soldier (Jug. 64. 4). If he 
could be treated with such insolenoe weaker aspirants were 
little likely to find generous reception, and the new.men (ncvi 
MtM&m) on the official roll were therefore very few from Cato 
the Elder to the days of Caesar. 

These prood pretensions of the would-be rulers did not rest 
certamly on any exoeptional skill or courage. Like most of the 



:o 



;\ 



II. THE LAND AND PEOPLE OF NUMIDIA. 

To the land which was peopled by the Berbers— of which 
the ancient Numidia had been the centxe — the Axabs gave tfce 
chaiacteristic name of the island of the West, or Moghreb. It 
is washed on the thxee sides by the waves of the Mediterxanean 
and Atlantic, while on the south the vast expanse of the Sahara, 
which was once an inland sea, divides it by a thonsand miles of 
sand from the central Negro land. 

Its most distinctive features are determined by one mountain 
system, that of the legendary Atlas, whose articulations mark 
it out into three successive sones, the Tell in the region near 
the coast, the steppes of the central uplands, and beyond them 
the oases of verdure which relieve the scorched desert of the 
greatSahara. 

(i) The Tell is the rich land of agricultural weelth, which is 
erxdosedwitlimthebuttressesofAtlasandthe sea; ofvariaWe 



THB LAND AND PEOPLE OP NUMIDIA. 31 

great wars which Rome had waged, that with Jugurtha began 

with failure and disgrace; incompetent generals and unrury 

soldiers made snocess impossible at first, till the bands of dis- 

cipline were tightened by a firmer hand, and the real soldier, 

Marius, chosen for his undoubted experience and skill, replaced i 

the old absurdity of untried commanders, fresh from the in- 

trigues and bribery of the annual electiona, 

Such were the political abuses which gave a substance to the 
bold invectives of the tribunes, and intensified the outburst of 
popular resentment in the early stages of the war. In this 
reaction there was one ominous ieature, which was not present in 
the movement of the GracchL The cause of reform had ibund not 
merely an eloquent voice to stir the passions of the people, but 
a strong hand to assert its daims in action : the tribune and the 
general oould make oommon cause, and the example of that 
union was given which was one day to be fatal to the influence 
of the senate, and was to hand over the state to an imperial 
master. 



3* 



UmtODUCTlON. 



I 

V 

» 

I 



: i 



I m 

. i 



character and width, it narrows on the west at Oran to a fringe 
of rugged hills, on the crest of which the villages of the Kabyles 
are sometimes perched in what seem inaccessible positions, 
while their upland slopes and winding valleys attract and repay 
the labours of an industrious population. In the province of 
Constantine again it widens to a broad region, whose vast plains 
supplied of old the granaries of imperial Rome, the land also of 
the olive and the vine, as of many anotfaer product. Its limits 
again contract as we pass further to the east, where it includes 
little more than the fertile basin of the Medjerda (Bagradas) 
and its tributary streams, and dies away almost at the gates 
ofTunis. 

(2) Further mland is the region of the steppes, the great 
plateau snpported by the mountain ranges which run from the 
south-west to the north-east through the whole breadth of 
Northern Africa. These highland plains, which are the fit 
scenes of pastoral life, indine somewhat on both sides towards 
the centre, and the waters that make their way along them find 
no issue, save here and there by some fissure in the balustrade 
of rocks, like that by which the Cheliff and W. el Kebir have 
burst a channel for their passage to the sea. They stagnate 
therefbre in their marshy basins, or drain at last into the ckottst 
the salt-lakes, which themselves appear for months merely dry 
beds of glittering sand and clay. 

(3) The southern slope of the plateau looks towards the 
desert wastes, but there are still pastures to be found upon 
the hiUs, and even far away among the plains, there are the 
green isknds of the palm trees and jthe wells, where travellers 
can rest awhik, and the nomads of the desert can return as to 
their home. % These were probably unknown to SaUust, but their 
narural features were vividly described by PUny at a later 
time. * Foks abundat y largus quidem^ ud certis kararuM spatiis 
dispensatur inUr incolas. Palmae ibi prasgrandi subdiiur eUa, 
huic ficus^ fico Punica, UU vitis: sub vite seritur frumentum\ 
mex legume*, deinde olus; omnid eodem anne; omniaque 
aUena umbra aluntur* (N. H. 18. 51). 

These even at a later age bounded the horizon to the Roman 
eye, and beyond these aU remained unknown. 
Themarkedfeaturesofthese sones appear dimly in the brief 



THE LAND AND PEOPLE OF NUMIDIA. 33 



description of Herodotus (s. 32) and Pomponius Mela (1. 8) 9 
though the wild beasts of which the former speaks as dis- 
tinguishing the seoond region, and which afterwards supplied 
the amphitheatres of Italy, have grown rarer in the oourse of 
ages. The elephants indeed, on which the Carthaginians and 
the later princes drew so freely fbr their wars, though natives 
of the country, dwindled m time, and then wholly disappeared. 
The description maUfid generis plurima a ni mal i a of Sallust 
(Jug. 17. 6) is true to the prevalent belief of andent times, but 
hardly to the present facts. 

Some of the main characteristics of the soil and dimate are 
indeed described by him with much condseness and sobriety of 
language. Now as of old the land is frugum fertUis % bcnus 
pecoriy and there is still caeio terraque penuria aauarum. The 
words arbari infeeundus are more true perhaps of the present 
tban of the times succeeding the Roman occupation of the 
country. In the Regency of Tunis there are dear signs of a 
large and prosperous population in the past, even where there ia 
now little to be seen but sand and ruins. Evidence of oUve 
plantations can be found constantly in tredess wastes, and an 
early historian speaks of one continuous fbrest stretching from 
Tripoli to Tangier at the time of the Arab conquest (Piayfair, 
Travds,p. 155). 

In his own military operations in the neighbourhood of the 

Syrtis Sallust may have had personal experience of the sudden 

ttorms and the infrequent harbours (mare saevom inportuosum) 

vhich made andent navigation dangerous tn those waters. We 

laturally look, however, for some more detailed description of 

he seat of war, and here we find his statements meagre and in- 

lefinite in the extreme. Spring after spring the Roman legions 

nust have marched from their winter quarters tn the Province 

long the rich valley of the Bagradas (Medjerda), over the 

seming luxuriance of its meadows, whose colouring seems to 

tie modern traveller 'beautiful beyond descriptio^and reminds 

imofthe patternsof a gigantic Oriental carpet *Andasthey 

eave into the midst of their many«coloured textures passages 

om the Koran in white colours, so does the winding Bagrada, 

ith ite numeroos branches, intersect this natural carpet like 

le writing of Titans 9 (Hesse-Wartegg, Tunis, p. aai)» But 



i 



34 INTRODUCTION. 

SaHust.does not even mention it by name, er spend-one woid 
npon the scenes thrcmgh which he must have passed* 

Asgovernorof Africahe coold scarcdy, we should think, have 
iaOed to know something of the marvellotis strength and beauty 
of the site of Cirta, and yet his description of the siege ignores 
it wholly, and is almost incompatible with any personal ac- 
qaaintance with the dty. He speaks of mountains and of 
deserts, but we get no vivid image of the rugged hills and 
highland plains, which cover so much of the country, nor of 
the oases which are so entirely unique. Four or five proper 
names are mentioned in the course of the campaigns, but it 
is tmpossible to fix in any way the generaHs route, or to explain 
the conditkms of space and time which are made sometimes 
hopdessly conflicting, as espedally in the account of the 
marches and countermarches which are crowded into a few 
months in the last campaign (c£ note on J. ico. i). 

It remains now to speak of the Numidian race, and of its 
earlier relations to the neighbouring peoplea, 

The Phoenidan infiuence on the coast of Africa, to which 
Sallust several times refers, began in the age of the maritime 
ascendancy of Sidon, during which, probably in the thirteenth 
century B.C, she planted the colony of Cambe on the site of 
the later Carthage, and Hippo not far off, together with Leptis 
near the Syrtes. Other settlements were made by the same 
power, or by the aHied dties of the Syrian coast, but no details 
are known as to their order or extent But a kindred race was 
prebably already planted in that region, if we may trust the 
traditjons of a later age which take a very circumstantial form, 
and which often reappear m Jewish and in early Christian 
sources. The Canaanites, we read, expelled trom their old 
homes by the fbHowers of Joshua, sought shdter first among 
the kmdred tribes of the Phoenician ooast, where there was 
fitde room for the new oomers. To relieve the overcrowded 
population ships were found to carry them across the seas, 
and among others the Gergashttes and Jebusites are said 
to have made thetr way to Northeni Africa, where, unlike 
the Phoenidan aetriers on the coast, they retumed to the 
habits of their agricultural or pattoral life in the inland pUuns 
and vaUeya» 



THR LAND AND PEOPLE OF NUMIDIA. 35 

Mingling with tfae native tribes they fused together into the 
wide-spread Liby-Phoenidan people. This extended much 
further to the West, if we may trust the local belief oonnected 
with the inscription said by Procopius (BelL Vand. 2. 10) to be 
still existing in his day on pillars of white marble at Tangier 
(T/ywir). ' We are the fugitives who fled from the face of the 
brigand Joshua' (4/Mtr /opfr ol <frvy6wnt 0W0 wpov in tov 'lyoov tov 
Xvotov vlov Navij). The genuineness of the inscription may be 
doubted, as also the predse fbrm in which the narrative is given, 
but native traditions seem to point to widely extended settle- 
ments in Northern Afriea of fugitives from Canaan, who made 
their way across the sea more probably at different times as 
they were pushed from their old homes by the invading tribes 
of IsraeL Though of kindred race to the Phoenicians, the 
influence exerted by them was distinct in type, and it was 
spread too far in the interior to be due merely to the energy 
of the merchant colonies upon the coast, and in this way may 
be best explained the enduring traces of the Punic language in 
wide lands over which even Carthage in the days of her empire 
held no sway. 

In the twelfth century B.C. Tyre stepped into the place of 
primacy which Sidon had long held upon the sea, and carried on 
with energy the work of colonial enterprise in the far West. 
Utica was the first founded, and was long the centre of Tyrian 
influence and trade along the northern coast, which was sur* 
rounded by a chain of settlements reaching to the Emporia of 
the Syrtes. These were convenient halting places on the way 
to Spain, the South of which was occupied before long by the 
Tyrian traders, while Liby-Phoenicians were transplanted from 
the other continent to spread the arts of agricultural life among 
the natives. Colonies were planted also on the western coast 
of Africa, in favoured regions where the advantages of soil and 
climate were so great that they spread rapidly till some three 
hundred ofthem could be counted up, though their prosperity 
was not of long duration. 

A new epoch began when a band of aristocmtic exiles quitted 
Tyre in 872 B.C, and fbunded Carthage on the ruins of the old 
Sidonian Cambe. She soon eclipsed her sisters on the coast, 
sundved tbe attacks of her Numidian neighbours, pushed her 

DS 






I 

i 
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36 INTRODUCTION. 

inflnence far inland, sent out fresh streams of colonists through 
Zeagitana and Byzacium, and when Tyxe fell in 574 B.O, she 
stobd forth to assert her claims to the colonial heritage, and 
became an imperial power, while respecting the nominal 
independence of some of the older settlements upon the 



Of the peoples of the interior the names are less definite, and 
thebistoryU moreobscure. There is first the strange tradition, 
quoted by Sallust (18. 4) from the books of the Numidian prince 
Hiempsal, which makes the Medes and Persians cross over from 
Spain» where the army of Hercules had been scattered at his 
death. The names themselves of course are in such connexion 
quite fantastic, but Hercules constantly appears in the legends 
both of Africa and Spain as a symbol of Phoenician enterprise, 
conducted to new scenes by the Tyrian god Melkarth, and sup- 
ported often by the swords of mercenary bands, such as those of 
the Carians, who are so often found connected with them. The 
story may therefbre simply point to the arrival of the Tyrian 
cotonists on the Atlantic coast, and to the soldiers of fortune 
who followed in their service. These last could be only traced 
to Asia, and in a later age the faw>fl«flT ffft mftf of M edfs fl ?vi 
Persians were added to the legend. 

Sallust, or Hiempsal his informant, goes on to tell us of 
the fusion between the so-called Persian immigrants and the 
natrve Gaetulian tribes, which gave rise in course of time to 
the Numidian people. Other accounts of native origin point 
also to the ruin or decay of the colonies on the western coast, 
and of the growth of a widespread inland power in the ninth 
centurybeforeourera. It is probable, as Movers has suggested 
(Phoenizier 2. 448), that the colonies fell before the attacks of 
nomad tribes, for the history has often been repeated in other 
lands and ages. 

The mercenaries may also have made common cause with 
the invaders, and turned their swords against their masters, 
and it is possible in this way to account for the grbwth of a 
Numidian power, which rnade itself felt even far away, and 
dominated for a while the new Tyrian settlement at Carthage, 
The aative dynasties thus fbunded show dear traces of inter- 
marxiage with Phoenician women, f n/ 1 tbeir personal fl rd local 



Jj 



THE LAND AND PBOPLE OF NUMIDTA. 37 

names» together with tfae inscriptions on their coins, bear witness 
at a later age to the continued influenoe of the colonizing race. 

If such a theory seem too bold, it may be thought again that 
Celtic tribes, pushed forward by invading races, may have crossed 
the stratts at some time and made their way stiU onwards till 
their advance was barred by wastes of sand. Fair-complexioned 
tribes are found to this day among the ranges of the Atlas, and 
Mount Aures, and these may be possibly the isolated remnants 
of a people distinct in stock from all the neighbouring races. 

Or we may think of the Libyan Maschouasch, and their 
confederates across the seas, who repeatedly invaded Egypt 
during the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties, and who are 
spoken of as spreading far away along the coast, and were 
known possibly to Herodotus under the name of Maxyes 
(4. 191) beyond the Lake Tritonis. The invaders in the West 
may have formed part of such a general migration, which is 
thought to have left some traoes of an Aryan type, though little 
can be really known upon the subject 

But whatever may have been the various elements thus super- 
posed, all indications point to the existence of one wide-spreafl 
race— identical at least in its substratum— which extended from 
the Syrtes to the Atlantic Ocean. On one side it was known to 
Greek and Romans as the Nomads or Numidians, who gave 
a name to thecountry that lay South of the confines of Carthage, 
and stretched to the West as far as the Mulucha. They 
oocupied therefore all the modern Algeria, and most of the 
Regency of Tunis. Among them in earlier times two tribal 
aggregates had struggled for the mastery, the Massaesyli ruled 
by Syphax in the West and the Massyli of Masiniss* to the 
East The rivalry was ended by the final victory of the latter, 
when both were fused in one ooherent kingdom. Beyond these 
were the Mauri to the far West, whose name and boundaries 
have still remained with little change in the modern Empire of 
Marocoo: while to the South the Romans heard of the Gaetuli 
in the wide border region of the oases and Salt Lakes that lies 
between the mountain ranges and the interminable sands of the 
Sahara. 

We need not go over the muster-roll of the local namea 
recorded by Herodotus, most of which were of narrow range 



1 



38 



INTRODUCTION. 






\, 



) 






and otherwise unknown. Modern insight or fancy, h is true, 
can discern in the Mrfjwff (4. 191) the Maschouasch of the 
Egyptian monuments» and the Am&zigh of Marocco, in the 
Zavqiut (4. 193) the ancestors of the Zouaves of Algeria, and the 
Ziguenses, Zeugi of Zagouan and Zeugitana and in the Bvfamf 
— also spoken of hy Scylax— the origin of the names given to 
Byzadum in later times. 

But most of these were probably but different branches of 
what is now best known as the Berber xace, which stretched 
almost xrom the Nile to the Atlantic, and of which pure types 
may still be found in the Kabyles of the French province, and 
the Touaregs of the Sahara, The language and written cha- 
racter belonging to the xace are believed to be preserved in the 
bilingual inscriptions ibund at Thugga and elsewhexe, and 
ansJogies are traced between them and the native forms which 
have survived only among the Touaregs. The names indeed 
just mentioned are not properly their o wn, and have no purely 
ethnic value. The Arabs spoke contemptuously of the berbera 
or unintelligible jargon spoken by the races which they fought 
in Africa, or of the iCbaUs (Kabyles), the scattered dans that 
seemed to have no national centre. The native race has seen 
Phoenicians, Romans, Vandals, Arabs, French, pass as con- 
querors through their land: has heard first one tongue and 
then another spoken as the language of government around 
them. But it has held its own in spite of all the vidssitudes 
of conquest ; retiring to the mountains or the wilderness before 
the storm, but still retaining with tenadous grasp the cha- 
imcteristic features of its natural life. 

The different types of outward customs are the same in the 
main as in the days of Sallust, for they depend on the unchanging 
features of the soil and climate. Near the coast settled babits 
are detennined by the richness of the products, as when the 
Liby-Phoenicians sowed and harvested of old, and the Cartha- 
ginian rulers did their best to encourage skilful tillage, and 
King Mago wrote the books on agriculture which the Roman 
senate fbund worthy of translation. The Numidians somewhat 
xarther from the sea had been gradually brought under the 
same mfluence^ and had xbrsaken the nomad habits of their 



THE LAND AND PBOPLK OF NUMIDIA. 39 

Italian traders were attracted to the towns (Jug. s6 and 47). 
We hear of Greeks even drawn to Cirta by the liberal policy of 
King Micipsa (Strabo, 17. 3) ; and the great funeral monnments 
which still remain, though they may remind us by their size of 
the pyramids of Egypt, show in their architectural fbrms more 
of the spirit of Hellenic art Frenchmen, Italians, Jews, now 
represent among them the more developed modes of civilised 
life, and have stamped their influence on the face of the old 
towns. But in the country villages the native gourbU, of rough 
stones plastered with mud and roofed with thatch, and fenced 
with a hedge of cactus» reproduce the rude huts (tuguria) of 
which the Roman writers speak ; while others, more peculiar 
in shape, exactly correspond to the description of the inverted 
boat which Sallust thinks a reminiscence of the ships on which 
the first immigrants arrived (obionga incurvi* laUribus Ucta 
quasi navium carinae sunt 9 Jug. 18. 8). 

The highlands are the home of pastoral life. Herdsmen 
and shepherds still wander slowly over those vast plains as 
when Pomponius Mela wrote (uquuntur vagi pecora • • • . 
atquc uH dies deficit, ibi noctem agunt 9 1. 8). The monotony 
of that lonely life, and the weary length of the way they have to 
travel to the markets of the coast are still rendered faithfally by 
the expressi ve lines of Vergil— 



* 'Saeft dum nocUmqm\ ct totum tx ordim mmum 
Patcitur Uquc ptcus Uuga in datrta tim uiiit 
Hotpitiu: tantum campi jactt. Omnia tteum 
Armtntariut Aftr agit t Uctumqut Lartmqut, 
Armaque Amiciacumquc cantm Crutamqut pkarttramS 

Geoig. iii. 341-346. 

Beyond that are the horsemen of the desert, whose douars 
(mapaiia) still present the household of the patriarchal type. 
Invading Arabs have occupied the plains, but they too have 
found a sanction in their Koran for the arrangements of the 
family which were described in the ancient natives of that region 
VQuamquam in /amiUas passim ct sinc Ugc dUpersi, nikilm 
communc consuitant 9 tamcn quia singufU aiiquot sxmui coujuges 9 
ot piures ob id tibcri agnatiquc sunt\ nusqu a m paucii Pompw 
Mela i. 8). 



i 



l' 



40 INTRODUCTION. 



I \ Sallust speaks of the Numidian as velox patiens laborum 

(Jug. 17. 6). Regular industry of oourse can only be expected 
in a people whose life has settled into homely ways, among 
an agricultural rather than a pastoral or noniad race. 

The Kabyle hnsbandman is represented as of steady and 

laborious energy, shunning idleness as a reproach, taktng kindly 

to employment as artisan or trader as well as to the labours 

| of the field, and moving readily from the country to the town 

| in search of more xemuneratfve work. The Touaregs again of 

I the Sahara seem indifferent to the extremes of heat and cold, 

and to abrapt transitions between the feverish marshes and the 

arid sands. Their patient hardihood is ready for all trials, and 

they have aH the rapidity of movement which is common among 

the wild horsemen of the desert 

• Reference has been already made to the aocounts furnished 
by Herodotns of the peoples of Northern Africa. From the 
variety of local names it would appear in the fifth century R.C. 
only tribal untons existed, and those of limited extent In the 
neighbourhood and under the influence of Carthage there was 
later more coherence, and thus we read m Sallust of great 
kmgdoms among the Numidae and MaurL But the union was 
. probably precarious and weak ; the army of Jugurtha dispersed 
after a battle— quo cujusqu* ammus fert eo discedunt (Jug, 
54. 4)— as if each clan acted for itself, when the common 
enterprise was over. Towns and districts too are represented 
as making thetr own terms with the invaders, while their king is 
stillinarms. 

The great vicissitudes in the career of Masinissa point to 
alike condusion. Now he is at the head of the Massyli, now 
flying with a few faithful comrades before overpowering fbrce, 
now a txacked and wounded ontlaw whose foUowers subsist 
onbrigandage. Thcn again, years afterwards, the clansmcn flock 
aiound him when he oomes to lead them to the war. 

In modern days the love of tribal independence has been 
so strong among the nathre races, that they could not combine 
even to defend it. The Arabs of the tent look for their 
government to the natural heads of famiiy aad dan, aad care 
only lur aa onion of the patriarchal type. The Kabyles of the 
mghlanrts carried their love of equality and fiteedom to the 



M 



i 






1 



THE LAND AND PBOPLB OF MUMIDIA. 41 

furthest limit of democracy: entrenched in their mountain 
strongholds they seem to have paid little more than nominal 
submission tb Roman, Vandal, Arab masters, to have crang to 
their costoms and language with obstinate tenadty, while every 
village claimed to be self-governed, under a loose federation of 
the weakest type. 

To modify an individualism so excessive there has grown up 
the institution of the $of This is the spirit of faction which 
divides and reunites on some new prindple the members of 
every local aggregate, bringing disunion into the valley, the 
hamlet, even into the narrow drcle pf the family, but on the 
other hand providing every one with friends, partisans, allies, 
in far-off regions. Its boundary lines may be undulating and 
capricious ; it may depend on endnring marks of difference, 
or grow out of the pettiest and most acddental causes, but it 
is strong enough to become a master passion, and dictate the 
terms of a whole code of honour. It may perhaps be not too bold 
to argue in this matter from the present to the pasL Possibly, 
if we had more details, we might explain by the action of the $of 
much of what is told us of the alliances, animosities, dynastic 
quarrels, in the history of Northern Africa. 

Carthage was certainly not slow to take advantage of the 
divisions in the native races ; she played off a Syphax against a 
Masinissa, and brought first one and then the other to her side 
when his rival was in arms against her. 

Each of them had probably at first no organised kingdom, 
but only personal adherents, with the varying support of larger 
or smaller aggregates of the same $of Rome was not slow to 
learn the lesson, and her fortune brought her at the last the 
ablest partisan. The rival claims again of Mezetulus and 
Masinissa, or of the successors of Midpsa, or the pretensions 
even of a Ganda, may have rested for support on snch divisions. 
So the chieftains of the Mauri, Bocchus, and Bogud, fight first 
together on the side cf Caesar against the Numidian Juba, bot 
afterwards Join difierent parties in the Civil Wars cf Rome, and 
twice at different epochs are found in hostile camps, where they 
represent probably great tt* ^Vy^ parties. 



I 



\ 



,i 



.■; 



f 49 INTRODUCTIOK 

!i 

III. CHANGES IN THE MILITARY SYSTEM 

j INTRODUCED IN THE AGE OF MARIUS. 

) 

[ In the age of Marius changes were introduced which tended 

aknost to revolutionise the military system ofthe Romans. Of 

{' these some were directly due to the insight or policy of Marius 

| himself^ while others may be illustrated from what we know of 

I his career. It may be oonvenient therefore to have a summary 

I statement of them put together here. 

j | i*. It had for ages rested with the senate as a matter of 

unquestioned right to prepare for each campaign by regulating 

the extent and source of the new levies while determining the 

total numbers that were to be brought into the fiekL But 

Marius in his first consulship, we read (Jug. 84), acting on his 

own discretion, largely exceeded the limits which the senate 

had determined, and set thereby a preoedent which the great 

oommanders of the future were not slow to follow. 

2°. A far more sweeping diange gave a new character to the 
rank aad file. Drawn by conscription hitherto from all dasses 
.. save the lowest, they had carried with them to the camp the 
sentiments of the land owner or the farmer ; the poorest were 
now to be admitted to the ranks ; volunteers took the place of 
f / conscripts ; they were bound to twenty years of service : even 

after that they were often kept under the standards {vexil- 
larit), though free from the hard routine of work and drill. 
The aoldiert life therefbre was a professional career, and all 
his tnterests, prospects, and ambition centred in* the camp, 
where he soon learned to think more of the sympathies which 
bound him to his comrades and oommander than of loyalty to 
tbe government at Rome (Jug. 86). 

3*. To seeure unity of action and success at a distant seat of 
war or in mr-rcaching struggles it was found needful to keep the 
same general in oommand year after year. Thus Marius was 
eleoted oonsul in his absence to meet the tnvading Cimbri (Jug. 
114. 3), and remained *t his post till the enemies were crushed 
or rootedL There was thus time for the growth of personal at- 
f^**iipffl t bet we cn the soldiers **A the leader who had led them 



? 



CHANGBS IN THB MIUTARY SYSTBM, BTC. 43 

to victories, or sated them with plunder. The oligaxchy could 
no longer reckon with confidence upon the anny, which beibre 
was levied or disbanded at its pleasure, and commanded only 
by its nominees. Ambitious leaders were not slow to profit by 
the chances offered. Marius indeed won the affections of his 
men by sharing every hardship with them, and by consummate 
mastery of every detail of duty (Jug. 63). Others stooped 
to more questionable means, relaxed the bonds of discipline, 
and bid for popularity by laigess and indulgence, increasing 
thus the licence of peace and the cnielties of war (Plutarch, 
Sulla, ix). 

4°. The soldiers of fortune who now crowded to the camp 
began to look for some provision when their term of service 
had expired. They cast greedy eyes upon the state domain 
or public land which was the prise of conquest, and their old 
commander stxained all his influencc to push their daims at 
Rome. 

In earlier days colonies had been sent out from time to time 
to guard disputed frontiers, or to satisfy the landless poor, but 
now they took the form of retiring pensions for the veterans. 
Grents of land were made by thousands for this purpose, with 
x^scant regard sometimes for the rights of former oocupants or 
neighbours ; comrades in the ranks settled side by side upon 
the farms, where they weariedoften of the homelylabour,flocked 
together to the standard of their former leader, or to some 
partisan who used the same rallying cry. 

5 . The generel whose best years were spent in active service 
in the field had little time to gain experience of the shifting 
currents of the party politics of Rome, or slrill in the debates 
of the senate or the forum. But there was sure to be some 
statesman or intriguer, ready to make common cause with a 
great soldier, to uxge his claims upon the public ear, to propose 
the grant of a triumph in his honour, or a colonial settkment 
for his vetexans, or an extxaordinaxy commission when he wished 
again for service. The league of Marius with Satuminus waa 
the beginning of a fotal system which degraded alike the states- 
man and the soldier, and made the tribunate a mere tool of 
militaxy ambition, instead of a bulwark of constitutional rights. 

The i n fl uence of the noblei certainly had sufiered whiie 



f 



' '44 INTRODUCTIOH. 



< ,fc 



M 



.1 

J 

1 1 



tbe mOitary institutions were being thus remodelled. But 
privilege and dass-distinctions were still amply represented in 
the service. Marius perhaps had risen from the ranks, and in 
the Civil Wars a few adventurers may have pushed their way 
to place and fbrtune in spite of their ignoble birtlu But the 
soldiers igrtgarii militss) commonly aspired to nothmg higher 
' ; l than the post of a Centurion : the officers were drawn wholly 

1 \ • from the ruling dasses, and the lines were sharply drawn 

| j , between the separate careers. Senators and knights had once 

served in the cavalry which was attached to all the legions, 
but this practice had fallen long ago into disuse ; volunteers 
of lower rank first took their places, and at last that arm of 
the service was left exdusively to the dependant races, like 
the auxiliary cohorts which were markedly distinguished from 
the regular infantry of Rome. 

The other changes that were introduced anected the tactics of 
the army rather than its spirit or its relations to the civil powers. 

6*. The fbur difterent grades of inmntry appear no more after 
the Jugurthine war ; the three lines of the legion— the Mastati, 
frinciptS) triar% with their dinerence of rank and armour, 
based upon the old distinctions of the Servian constitution, 
disappear about this timc, with the velitts who served beside 
them. The light armed troops are drawn exdusivdy from the 
aQie% and the legion becomes a uniform and compact mass. 

7°. Ten cohorts now replace the thirty maniples of earlier 
times. To withstand the weight and rush of the first rapid 
onset of the Cimbri it was needful perhaps to draw up the 
lines in doser order. The old system with its regular inter- 
vals between the maniples was better suited for manceuvres 
tn the ace of disdplined enemies with cautious tactics, but 
the Northern tribes relied on an impetuous charge and over- 
powering numbers (cf. Marquardt, Rom. St 2. 422). 

8*. The pilum hadbecome tbe common weapon of the homo- 
geneous legion. It was modified by Marius for the Cimbrie 
wars. Of the two pegs which fastened the spike of metal to 
the handle, one was now made of wood which snapped under 
the weight of the spear when it was huried, so that it either 
became beat aad usekss, or dragged heavily after the shidd 
00 which it struck, encumbering the movement of the bearer. 

J 
I 



CHANGES m THE MIUTARY SYSTEM, RTC 45 

9 . The legion, which had now heoome a compact mass» was 
furnished with a common ensign. Thexe had heen separate 
standards (signa) for the maniples before, but the silver eagle 
which we read of in the ranks of Catiline (Cat. 59. 3) was set 
up by Marius for the whole legkra, and became henceforth 
the symbol of the soldiert duties, and the object almost of 
his religious worship. 

io°. One point remains which shows his minute attention to 
details, A great general combines wide-reaching plans with 
spedal thought about the particulars of execution ; the Roman 
commander gave his name to a contrivance by which his men 
might carry their food and clothing with more ease. 

These were bound in separate bundles which were sir ap ped to 
thin strips of wood, and carried on the prongs of a long fork. 
This was then thrown across the shoulders on*the march, as 
we may see pourtrayed at Rome on the bas-rehefs of Trajan's 
cohunn ^MuUMarianidUitoUntaMarU instituH, cufus mtiUu 
in furca inttrAosita taSalia ifniriirfli/ifr nwrnr stut tktrtmr* atttM 

vtrunt} Festns). 



I i 



r 



C SALLUSTI CRISPI 



DE CONIURATIONE CATILINAE 



LIBER. 

t 



. 1 

I * 



« ! 



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•• 



» / 

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5 ! 
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C SALLUSTI CRISPI 

DE CONIURATIONE CATILINAE 

UBER. 

1. Ommis homines, qui sese student praestare ceteris ani- 
malibus, summa ope niti decet ne vitam silentio transeant 
veluti pecora, quac.natura prona atque vtntri oboedientia 4 

% finxit sed nostra omnis vis in animo et corpore sita est:^ 
animi imperio, corporis servitio magis utimux; altenun nobiss 

t cum dis, alterum cum beluis oommune est quo mihi rectius 
videtur ingeni quam virium opibus gloriam quaerere ct, quo- » 
niam vita ipsa qua fruimur brevis est, memoriam nostri quam 

4 maxume longam efficere. nam divitiarum et formae gioria . 
fiuxa atque fragilis est, virtus clara aeternaque habetur. io 

5 Sed diu magnum inter mortalis certamen ftrit, vine corporis 
• an virtute animi res militaris magis pnjcederet nam et 

prius quam incipias consulto et ubi consulueris mature fitcto 
7opus est ita utrumque per se indigens alterum alterius ' 
auxilio eget 2. igitur initio reges — nam in terris nomenis 
imperi id primum fuit— divorsi pars ingenium, alii corpus 
exercebant: etiam tum vita hominum sine cupiditate agita- 
S batur, sua cuique satis placebant postea vero quam in Asia 
Cyrus, in Graeda Lacedaemonii et Athenienses coepexe urbis 
atque nationes subigere, lubidinem dominandi causam belKso 
habeie, maiumam gloriam in mazumo imperio putaxe, tum 
demum periculo atque negotiis compextum, in bello plurumum 
[ tingenium posss. quodsi regum atque imperatomin animi 

V • ' * 



50 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 2-3 



1 1 




{ virtus in paoe ita ut in bdlo valeret, aequabOius atque con- 

stanrJus sese res humanae haberent, neque aliud alio ferri 
neque mutari ac misceri omnia cerneres. nam imperium 4 
facfle eis artibus retinetur, quibus tnitio partum est verum 5 
jubi pio labore desidia, pro continentia et aequitate lubido 
atque superbia invasere, fortuna simul cum moribus inmutatur. 
ita imperium semper ad optumum quemque a minus bono o 
■ transfertur» 

l Quae homines arant navigant aedificant, virtud omnia7 

>• loparent sed multi mortales dediti ventri atque somno indocti 8 
incultique vitam sicuti peregrinantes transiere: quibus profecto 
contra naturam corpus voluptarj, anima oneri futt eorum 
«/ ego vitam mortemque iuzta aestumo, quoniam de utraque 
sjktur. verum enimvero is demum mihi vivere atque fruiO 
15'anima videtur, qui aliquo negotio intentus praeclari fadnoris 
aut artis bonae tamam quaerit sed in magna copia rerum 
afiud alii natura Jter ostendit 8. pulchrum est bene facere 
rei publicae, etiam bene dicere haud absurdum est: vel pace 
vel bello clarum fieri Hcet et qui fecere et qui facta aliorum 
soscripsere, multi laudantur. ac mihi qtddem, tametsi haud* 
^uaquam par gloria sequitur scriptorem et auctorem rerum, 
tamen in primis arduum videtur res gjestas scribere; primum 
* quod facta dictis ezae^uan^ta feunt, dehinc quia plerique quae 
delicta reprehenderis, malivolentia et invjdia dicta putant; ubi 
s|de magna virtute aUjue .gbria bonorum memores, quae sibi, 
quisque facOta factu putat, aequo animo accipit, supra ea 
vcluti ficta pro falsis dudt 
v Sed ego adulescentulus taitjo sicud plerique studio ad rem 8 
pubiicam latus sum, ibique mihi multa advorsa fuere. nam 
jopro pudore, pro abstinentta, pro virtute andacia, largitio» < 
avarifja vigebant quae tametsi anfanus aspernabatur insokns \ 
malarum artinm, taxnen inter tanta vitia imbedDa aetas axn- ' 
V bitJoae coarupta tenebatur: ac mc cnm ab r^liquormn malis l 

•f 



8-6. DE CONIURATIONB CATIUNAB. 51 

moribus dissentirem, nihilo minus bonoris cupido eadem qua 
ceteros fama atque invidia vexabat 4. igitur ubi animus ex V 
multis miseriis atque periculis requievit et mihi reliquam 
aetatem a re publica procul habendam decrevi, non fiiit 
consilium socordia atque destdia bonum otium conterere,* s 
neque vero agrum oolundo aut venando servilibus officiis 

lintentum aetatem agere; sed a quo incepto studioque me 
ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem regressus statui res gestas 
populi Romani carptim, ut quaeque memoria digna vide- 
bantur, perecribere ; eo magis, quod mihi a spe, inetu, 10 

spartibus rei publicae animus liber erat igitur de Catilinae 

4 coniuratione quam verissume potero paucis absolvam: nam 
id fadnus in primis ego memorabile existumo sceleris atque x 

6 periculi novitate. de cuhis hominis moribus pauca prius ex- ' 
plarianda sunt, quam initium narrandi faciam. 1$ S 

5. L. Catilina, nobili genere natus, fiiit magna vi et animi 

1 et corporis sed ingenio malo pravoque. huic ab adulescentia 
bella intestina, caedes» rapinae, discordia dvilis grata fuere, ... 

8 ibique iuventutem suam exercuit corpus patiens inediae, • X 

4 algoris, vigiliae supra quam cuiquam credibile est animus ao 
audax subdolus varius, cuius rei lubet simulator ac dissimu* v 
lator, alieni adpetens, sui profusus, ardens in cupiditatibus: 

6 satis eloquentiae, sapientiae parum. vastus animus inmode- * 
rata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat hunc post 

dominationem L. SuIIae lubido maxuma invaserat rei publicae »5 
capiundae, neque id quibus modis adsequeretur, dum sibi v 

7 regnum pararet, quicquam pensi babebat agitabatur magia 
lnagisque in dies animus ferox inopia rei familiaris et con- 
scientia scelerum, quae utraque eis artibus auxerat, quaa • 

8 supra memoravL incitabant praeterea conrupti civitatis mores, 30 • 
quos pessuma ac divorsa inter se -mala, luxuria atque avaritia, 

vexabant res ipsa hortari videtur, quoniam de moribus dvi- v 
tatU tempus admonuit, supra repetere ac paucis instituta* V 

za 



. '/ 



JtJ J 



5* 



C SALLUSTI CRISPI 



5-7. 



\ 

X 






i • 



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it 






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I 



militiaeque, quo modo rcm publicam ha- 
buerint qoantamque reliquerint, ut paulatim inmutata ex 
pulcberrima atque optuma pessuma ac fiagitiosissuma facta 
sit, disserere. 

5 6. Urbem Romam 9 sicuti ego accepi condidere atque ha- 
buere initio Troiani, qui Aenea duce profugi sedibus incertis 
vagabantur, cumque eis Aborigines, genus bominum agreste, 
sine legibus, sine imperio, liberum atque solutum. • hi post- s 
quam in una moenia convenere, dispari genere dissimili lingua, 

loalii alio more viventes, incredibile memoratu est quam facile 
coaluerint : ita brevi multitudo dispersa atque vaga concordia 
civitas facta erat sed postquam res eorum dvibus moribus s 
agris aucta, satis prospera satisque poflens videbatur, sicuti 
pleraque mortalium habentur 9 invidia ex opulentia oxta est 

i| igitur reges populique finitumi bello temptare, paud ex amicis 4 
auxilio esse: nam ceteri metu percula a periculis aberant at 5 
Romani domi militiaeque intenti festinare, parare, alius alium 
hortari, hostibus obviam ire, libertatem patriam parentesque 
aixnis tegere, post ubi pericula virtute propulerant, sociis 

soatque amicis auxilia portabant, magisque dandis quam acd- 

• piundis benifiriis amidtias parabant imperium legitumum, e 
nomen imperi regium habebant delecti, quibus corpus annis 
infirmum, ingenium sapientia validum erat, rd publicae con- 
snltabant: d vel aetate vel curae similitudine patres appella- 

ajbantur. post ubi regium imperium, quod initio conservandae 7 
Ebertatis atque augendae rd publicae fuerat, in superbiam 
dominationcmque se convortit, inmutato more annua imperia 
binosque imperatores dbi fecere: eo modo xninume posse 
putabant per licentiam insolescere iMwm™ humanum. 

j» 7. Sed ea tempestate coepere se quisque.magis extoBexe 
magisque ingenium in promptu habere. nam regibus boni s 

-~ quammaKsuspectkwessuntsempen^eisaUenaviitM 

dnlfrtt est sed .dvitat incredibfle memoratu est adepta s 










7-0. DB CONIURATIONR CATIUNAR. 53 

libertate quantum brevi creverit: tanta cupido gloriae in- 

4 cesserat iam primum iuventus, simul ac beHi patiens erat, 
in castris per laborem usum militiae discebat magisque in 
decoris armis et mQitaribus equis quam in scortis atque 

5 conviviis lubidinem bab eb ant igitur talibus viris non labor 5 
insolitus, non locus ulhis asper ant arduus erat, non armatus 

ehostis formidulo8Us: virtus omnia domuerat sed gloriae 
maTumnm certamen inter ipsos erat: se quisque bostem 
ferire, murum ascendere, conspid, dum tale facinus faceret, 
properabat; eas divitias, eam bonam fiunam magnamqueio 
nobilitatem putabant lau&s avidi, pecuniae liberales erant ; 

7gloriam ingentem, divitias honestas voiebant memorare 
possem quibus in locis maTnmas hostium cqpias populus 
Romanus parva manu fuderit, quas urbis natura munitas 
pugnando ceperit, ni ea res longius nos ab incepto traheret 1$ 

8. Sed profecto fortuna in omni re dominatur; ea res 
cunctas ez lubidine magis quam ex vero cdebrat obscuratque. 

s Atheniensium res gestae, sicuti ego aestumo, satis amplae 
magnificaeque fuere, veram aliquanto minores tamen quam • . ( 

S Guna feruntur. sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna so 
ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensium facta pro maTiimis 

4 cdebrantur. ita eorum qui fec^re virtus tanta habetur, quan- s . « 

5 tum eam verbis potuere extollere praeclara ingenia. at populo 
Romano numquam ea copia fiiit, quia prudentissumus quisque 
maTwme negotiosus erat: ingenium nemo sine corporesg 
exercebat; optumus quisque facere quam dicere, sua ab aliis 
bene&cta laudari quam ipse aliorum narrare malebat 9. igitur 
domi militiaeque boni mores colebantur, concordia maTuma, 
minuma avaritia erat, ius bonumque apud eos non legibus 

9 magis quam natura valebat iurgiaHiscordias simultates cum se 
hostibus exercebant, dves cum dvibus de virtute certabant 
in supplidis deorum magnifid, domi parci, in amicos fideles 

s erant duabus his artibus> audacia in beHo, ubi pax evenerat 



1 



54 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 9-lL 



1 1 
*'; 



i i 



9 aequitate seque rcmquc publicam curabant" quarum rcnim 4 
cgo maxunia documcnta bacc babeo, quod in bcllo saepius 
vindicatum est in eos, qui contra imperium in hostcm pugna- 
| { > • • verant quique tardius revocati proelio excesserant, quam qui 

jsignarelinquereaut pulsilococedereausi erant; in pacevero, 5 
quod benificiis magis quam metn imperium agitabant, et 
accepta iniuria ignoscere quam persequi malebant 

10. Sed ubi labore atque iustitia res publica crevit, reges 
magni bdlo domiti, nationes ferae et populi ingentes vi subacti, 
loCarthago acmula imperi Romani ab stirpe interiit, cuncta 
maria tenucquc patebant; saevire fortuna ac miscere omnia 
coepit qui labores, pericula, dubias atque asperas res facile % 
toleraverant, eis otium divitiae, optanda alias, oneri miseriaeque 
fuere. igitur primo pecuniae, deinde imperi cupido crevit ; s 
15 ea quasi materics omnium malorum fuere. namque avaritia 4 
fidem probitatem ceterasque artis bonas subvortit; pro his 
superbiam crudelitatem, deos ncglcgere, omnia venalia habere 
edocuit ambitio multos mortalis falsos^eri subegit, aliud5 
rlansnm in pectore aliud in lingua promptum habere, amidtias 
soinimicitiasque nonexresedex commodo aestumare magisque 
voltum quam ingenium bonum habere. haec primo paulatim 6 
♦ otscere, interdum vindicari; post ubi contagio quasi pesti- 

lentia invasit, civitas inmutata, imperium ex iustissumo atque 
optnmo crudele intolerandumque factum. 
1$ 1L Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum 
exercebat, quod tamen vitium propius virtutem erat nam & 
gloriam honorem imperium bonus et ignavos aeque sibi 
exoptant; sed ille vera via nititur, huic quia bonae artes 
desunt, dolis atque fallaciis contendit avaritia pecuniaes 
^ jostudium habet, quam nemo sapiens concupivit; ea quasi 

i vene&is malis inbuta corpus animumqne virilem effeminat, 

semper infinita insatiabilis est, neque copia neque inopia 
., * minmtur. sed postquam L. Sulla annis recepta re publica 4 



11-13. DB CONIURATIONE CATIUNAS. 55 

bonis initiis malos eventus habuit, rapere omnes, trahere, 
domum alius alius agros cupere, neque modum neque modes- 
tiam victores habere, foeda cruddiaque in civis facinora facere. 

5 huc adcedebat quod L. Sulla exercitum» quem in Asia ducta- 
verat, quo sibi fidum faceret, contra morem maiorum luxuriose j 
nimisque liberaliter habuerat loca amoena, vohiptaria facile 

ein otio ferocis militum animos molliverant ibi primum. 
insuevit exercitus populi Romani amare potare, signa tabulas 
pictas vasa caelata mirari, ea privatim et publice rapere, 

7 delubra spoliare, sacra profanaque omnia polluere. igitur ei 10 
milites, postquam victoriam adepti sunt, nihil reliqui victis 
fecere. quippe secundae res sapientium animos fatigant, ne 
illi conraptis moribus victoriae temperarent 

12. Postquam divitiae honori esse coepere et eas gloria 
imperium potentia sequebatur, hebescere virtus, paupertasis 
probro haberi. innocentia pro malivolentia duci coepit 

sigitur ex divitiis iuventutem luxuria atque avaritia cum 
superbta invasere; rapere, consumere, sua parvi pendere, 
aliena cupere, pudorem pudicitiam, divina atque humana 

s promiscua, nihil pensi neque moderati habere. operae pre- jo 
tium est, cum domos atque villas cognoveris in urUum modum , 
exaedificatas, visere templa deorum, quae nostri maiores, \J 

4 religiosissumi mortales, fecere. verum illi delubra deorum v 
pietate, domos suas gloria decorabant, neque victis quicquam 

5 praeter iniuriae licentiam eripiebant at hi contra ignavissumi 35 
homines per summum scelus omnia ea sodis adimere, quae 
fortissumi viri victores reliquerant; proinde quasi iniuriam 
facere id demum esset imperio utu 13. namquideamemorem, 
quae nisi eis qui videre nemini credibilia sunt, a privatis cpn- 

% pluribus x subvorsos montis, maria constrata esse. quibus3o 
mihi videntur ludibrio fuisse divitiae, quippe quas honeste 

S habere licebat, abuti * per turpitudinem properabant sed 
lubido stupri ganeae ceterique cultus non minor inoesserat: 



A 



56 C. SALLVSTI CRISPI 18*15. 



viri muliebria pati, mulieres pudicitiam in propatulo babere; 
vescendi causa terra marique omnia ezquirere, dormire prius 
quam somni cupido esset, non famem aut sitim neque frigus 
neque hssitudinem opperire sed ea omnia tazu antecapere. 
fhaec iuventutem, ubi familiares opes defecerant, ad fadnora 4 
incendebant animus inbutus malis artibus haud facile lubi- 5 
dinibus carebat; eo profusius omnibus modis quaestui atque 
sumptui deditus erat 
14. In tanta tamque conrupta dvitate Catilina, id quod 
lofactu farilhimum erat, omnium flagitiorum atque fadnorum 
drcum se tamquam stipatorum catervas habebat nam qui- % 
\ cumque inpudicus adulter ganeo manu ventre pene bona 

, 1 patria la cerav crat quique alienum aes grande conflaverat quo 

\ flagitinm ant fadnus redimeret, praeterea omnes undiques 

jsparriddae sacrikgi convicti iudiciis aut pro factis iudidum 
tjmcntfs, ad hoc quos manus atque lingua periurio aut san- 
guine dvili alebat, postremo omnes quos flagitium egestas . 
consdus animus exagitabat, d Catilinae prozumi familiaresque 
erant ' quodsi quis etiam a culp a vac uns in amidtiam dus 4 
f soindderat, cotidiano usu atque inlecebris facile par similisque 

I ceteris effidebatur. sed mazume adulescentium familiaritates 5 

adpetebat; eorum animi moiles et fluzi dolis haud difficulter 
capiebentur. nam ut cuiusque studium ez aetate flagrabat, 6 
j aliis scorta praebere aliis canes atque equos mercari, postremo 

s| neque sumptui neque modestiae suae parcere, dum fllos 
obnpxios fidosque sibi faceret sdo fiiisse nonnuQos qui ita 7 
ezistumarent, iuventutem, quae domum Catilinae frequentabat, 
parum honeste pudidtiam habuisse ; sed ez aliis rebus magis, 
i quam quod cuiquam id compertum foret, haec fiuna valebat 

jo 15. Iam primum adulescens Catilina multa nefanda stupra 
fecerat cum viigine nobOi, cum sacerdote Vestae, alia huiu%» 
cemodi contra ius Jasque. postremo captus amore Aureliae S 
.OraoHae, cuius praeter fonnam nihil umqnam bonus laudavit, 



i 



5.-7" J^''.-;~ S + 



15-17. DB CONIURATIONR CATIUNAB. 57 

quod ea nubere OH dubitabat, timens privignum adulta aetate, 
pro certo creditur necato filio vacuam domum scelestis nuptiis 

8 fecisse. quae quidem res mihi in primis videtur cansa fuisse v 

4facinus matuiandL namque animus inpurus, dis homini- 
busque infestus, neque vigiliis neque quietibus sedari poterat : % -\ 

5 ita consdentia mentem ezcitam vastabat igitur colos d 
exsanguis, foedi oculi, dtus modo modo tardus inoessus; 
prorsus in fade voltuque vecordia inerat 16. sed iuventutem, 
quam 9 ut supra diximus, inkxerat, multis modis mala facinora 

tedocebat ex illis testis signatoresque falsos commodare; 1© 
fidem fortunas pericula vilia habeie, post ubi eorum famam 

Batque pudorem adtriverat, maiora alia imperabat si causa 
peccandi in praesens minus subpetebat, nihilo minus insontis 
sicuti sontis drcumvenire, iugulare ; scOicet» ne per otium 
torpescerent manus aut animus, gratuito potius mahis atque 15 • 

4 crudelis erat eis amicis sodisque oonfisus Catilina, stmul 
quod aes alienum per omnis terras ingens erat et quod 
plerique Sullani milites largius suo usi rapinarum et victoriae 
veteris memores dvile beHum exoptabant, opprimundae rd 

5 publicae consilium cepit in Italia nullus exercitus, Cn. Pom- ao 
pdus in extremis tezris bellum gerebat; ipsi consulatum 
petenti magna spes, senatus nihil sane intentus : tutae tran- 

^illaeque res omnes, sed ea prorsus opportuna Catilinae. {%f # w 

17. Igitur cirdter kalendas Iunias L. Caesare et C. Figulo 
consulibus primo dngulos appellare, hortari alios alios temp- 1$ 
tare; opes suas, inparatam rem puWicam, magna pmemia 

2 coniurationis docere. ubi satis explorata sunt quae voluit, in 
unum omnis convocat quibus maxuma necessitudo et pluru- 

8 mum audaciae inerat eo convenere senatorii ordinis P. Len- 
tulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. Casshis Longinus, C Cethegus, 30 
P. et Ser. Sullae Ser. filii, L. Vargunteius, Q. Annius, M. Por- 

4 dus Laeca, L. Bestia, Q, Curius ; praeterea ex equestri ordine 
M. Fulvhis NobUior, L. Statflius, P. Gabinius Capito, C Cor- 



58 



C SALLUSTI CRISPI 



17-19. 



.! 









. ' 



nelius; ad boc multi ez coloniis et munitipiis, domi nobiles. 
erant praeteiea conplures paulo occultius consili buiusce5 
participes nobiles, quos magis dominationis spes hortabatur 
quam inopia aut alia necessituda ceterum iuventus pleraque, 6 
6 sed maiume nobilium, CatOinae inceptis favebat, quibus in 
otio vel magnifice vel molliter vivere copia erat, incerta pro 
certis, bellum quam pacem malebant fuere item ea tem-7 
pestate qui crederent M. Iicinium Crassum non ignarum eius 
consOi fuisse: quia Cn. Pompeius invisus ipsi magnum 

loexercitnm ductabat, cuiusvis opes voluisse contra ilUus 

potentiam crescere, simul confisum, si coniuratio valuisset, 

hak apud illos principem se fore. 

jl~ 18. Sed antea item coniuravere paud contra rem publicam,- 

in quis Catilina fuit; de qua quam verissume potero dicam. 

15 L. Tullo et Mt^Lepido consuUbus P. Autronius et P. Sulla de- 2 
signati consules legibus ambitus interrogati poenas dederant 
post paulo Catilina pecnnianim repetundarum reus prohibitus 8 
erat consulatum petere, quod intra legitumos dies profiteri 
nequiverit erat eodem tempore Cn. Piso, adulescens nobilis 4 ' 

sosummae audaciae, egens factiosus, quem ad perturbandam 

rem publicam inopia atque mali mores stimulabant cum 5 . 

hoc Catilina et Autromus drciter nonas Decembris consilio 

•comunicato parabant in Capitolio kalendis Ianuariis L. Cottam 

et L. Torquatum consules interficere, ipsi fastibus correptis 

sj Pisonem cum exercitu ad optinendas duas Hispanias mittere. 
ea re cognita rursus in nonas Februarias consilium caedis e 
transtulerant iam tum non consulibus modo sed plerisque 7 
senatoribus pernidem machinabantur. quodni Catilina matu- 8 
rasaet pro curia signum sociis dare, eo die post conditam 

jeurbem Romam pessumum fitcinus patratum foret quia 
nondnm firequentes armati convenerant, ea res consflium 
diremit 19, postea PSso in dteriorem Hispaniam quaestor 
pro praetore missus est adnitcnte Crasso, quod eum infestum 



* 

w 



n\ 



10-20. DR CONIURATIONB CATIUNAB. 59 

aiaimicum Cn, Pompeio cognoverat neque tamcn senatns 
provinciam invitus dederat, quippe foednm hominem a re 
publica procul esse volebat; stmul quia boni conplures 
praesidium in eo putabant et iam tum potentia Pompei 

sformidulosa erat sed is Piso in provincia ab equitibuss 
Hispanis, quos in exercitu ductabat, iter faciens occisus est 

4 sunt qui ita dicant, imperia eius iniusta superba crudelia bar- 

.5 baros nequivisse pati; alii autem equites illos Cn. Pompei 
veteres fidosque dientis voluntate eius Pisonem adgressos; ~ 
numquam Hispanos praeterea tale fadnus fecisse, sed imperia 1* 
saeva multa ante perpessos. nos eam rem in medio relin- 

e quemus. de superiore conhuatione satis dictum, ^ 

20. Catflina ubi eos, quos paulo ante memoravi, convenisse 
videt, tametsi cum singulis multa saepe egerat, tamen m 
rem fore credens univorsos appellare et cohortari, in abdi-if 
tam partem aedium secessit atque ibi omnibus arbitris procul . 
amotis orationem huiuscemodi habuit 

% 'Ni virtus fidesque vostra spectata mihi forent, nequiquam 
opportuna res cecidisset ; spes magna, dominatio in manibus 
frustra fuissent, neque ego per ignaviam aut vana ingeniaao 

s incerta pro certis captarem* sed quia multis et magnts tem- 
pestadbus vos cognovi fords fidosque mihi, eo animus ausus 
'est maTnmnm atque pulcherrumum &cinus incipere, simul 
quia vobis eadem quae mihi bona malaque esse intellexi: 

4 nam idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia as 

5 est sed ego quae mente agitavi omnes iam antea divorsi 

6 audistia, ceterum mihi in dies magis animus, accenditur, 
cum considero, quae condicio vitae futura at, nisi nosmet 

7 ipsi vindicamus in libertatem. nam postquam res publicajn 
paucorum potentium ms atque Ifiaonem^concessit, semperw — ~ 



illis reges tetrarchae Vecdgales esse, popuii nationes sdpen 
pendere; ceteri omnes, strenui boni nobiles atque ignobiles, 
volgus fuimus sine gratia, stne auctoritate, ets obnoxii, 



* 

♦* 






\ 



i 

t. 



\ 

1 






I 



\\ 



60 C. SALLVSTI CXISPI 20-2L 

» 

si res pablica valeret, fonnidini essemus. itaque omnis gratia 8 
potentia honos divitiae apud illos sunt aat ubi illi vohint; 
nobts lefiqoere pericula repulsas hidida egestatem. quaeO 
Ctt» • {(quousque tandem patiemini fortissomi viri? nonne exnori 
** ' jper virtutem praestat qu£n vitam miseram atque inhonestam, 

nbi alienae soperbiae hidibrio fueris, per dedecus amjttere? 
vemm enimvero pro deum atque hominum fidem victoria in 10 
manu vobis est, viget aetas, anmus yalet; contra, illis annis 
atque divitiis omnia consenuertifi£ tantum modo incepto 

loopus est, cetera res expediet etenim quis moitalhxm, cui u 
virfle ingenhxm est, tolerare potest, illis divitias superare, quas 
profundant in eztruendo mari et montibus coaequandis, nobis 
rem famiUarem etiam ad necessaria deesse? iUos binas aut 
amplhis domos continuare, nobis larem faxxuliarem nus- 

lgquam uUum esse? cum tabulas signa toreumata exnunt, nova xa 
\ diruunt, alia aedificant, postremo omnibus modis pecuniam 

tmlxunt vexant, tamen sumxna lubidine divitias suas vincere 
nequeunt at nobis est domi inopia, foris aes alienum, ls 
mala tes, spes multo tsperior; denique quid reliquj habemus 

aopraeter miseram animam? quin igitur expeigisamini ? enit 
Sla iUa quam saepe optasds libertas» praeterea divitiae decus 
gloria in oculis sita sunt fortuna omnia ea victoribus prae- 
mia posuxt res texnpus pericula egestas, belU spolia mag- 15 
nifica magis quam oratio mea vos hortantur. vel imperatore 16 

*5vd milite me utimini; neque anhnus neque corpus a vobis 
aberit haec ipsa, ut spero, vobiscum una consul agaxn, nisi 17 
forte me animus faUit et vos servire xnagis quam imperare 
paiati estia/ 
* SL Postquam accepere ea homines, quibas mala abunde 

jaomnia eiant, sed neque res neqoe spes bona ulla, tametsi 

1 iBb qnieta movere xnagna meroes videbatur, tamen postu- 
kvere plerique, ut progoneret, quae condkio bdli foret, quae 
pmemia annis peterent, quid ubiqo* opis aut spd haberent • 



i -. >^ / j 



21-23. DB CONIURATIONB CATIUNAB. w, 

2 tum Catflina pollioeri tabulas novas» proscriptionem locuple- 
tium, magistratus, sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia, quae bdhim 

|a atque lubido victorum fert praeterea esse in Hispania dte- 
riore Pisonem, in Mauretania cum exerdtu P. Sittium Nuce- 
rinum, consili sui participes; petere consulatum C Antonium,| . 
quem sibi collegam fore speraret, hominem et femiKarem et 
omnibusnecessitudiml>u8circumventum; cum eo se consulem 

4 initium agundi facturum. ad hoc maledictis increpabat omnis 
bonos, suorum unum quemque nominans laudare: admonebat 
alium egestatis alium cupiditatis suae, conpluris periculi aut io 
ignominiae, multos victoriae Sullanae, quibus ea praedae 

5fuerat postqUam omnium animos alacris videt, cohor- 
tatus, ut petitionem suam curae haberent, conventum dimisit 
22. fuere ea tempestate qui dicerent Carilinam oratione 
habita cum ad iusiurandum popularis sceleris sui adigeret,ig 
humani corporis sanguinem vino permixtum in pateris cir- 

acumtulisse; inde cum post ezecratkmem bmneft degusta* 
vissent, sicut in sollemnibus sacris fieri consuevit, aperuisse 
consOium suum atque eo dictitare fecisse, <juo inter se fidi 

8 magis forent, alius alii tanti fadnoris conscii. nonnulli ficta so 
et haec et multa praeterea existumabant ab eis, qui Ciceronis 
invidiam, quae postea orta est, leniri credebant atrocitate 

4scderis eorum, qui poenas dederant )nohis ea res pio 
magnitudine parum comperta est 

23. Sed in ea coniuratione fuit Q. Curius, natus haud.ss 
obscuro loco, flagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus, quem 

2 censores senatu probri gratia moverant huic homini non 
minor vamtaa inerat quam audacia: neque reticere, quae 
audierat, neque suamet ipse scelera occultare, prorsus ncquo ' 

• dicere neque mcere quicquam pensi habebat erat d cumso 
Fulvia muliere nobili stupri vetus consuetudo ; cui cum 
noinus gratus esset, quia inopia minus largiri poterat, re- i 
pente gloriana maria montisque pollioeri coepit et minari 



i 



f - 



l/, 






c- 



iv* 



\\ 



<* C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 28-25. 



ferro, ni tibi obnoxia foret; postremo agitare 
ferodus qnam solitus crat at Fulvia insolentiae Curi causa 4 
cognita tale periculum rd publicae haud occultum habuit, 
sed sublato anctore de Catilinae coniuratione quae quoque 
smodo audierat conpluribus narravit ea res in primis studia 5 
accendit ad consulatum mandandum M. Tullio 
namque antea pleraque nobOitas invidia aestuabat e 
1 et quad polhri consulatum credebaht, si eum quamvis egre- 

! gius homo novos adeptus foret sed ubi periculum advenit, 

loinvidia atque superbia post fiiere. 24. igitur comitiis habitis 
consules declarantur M. Tullius et C. Antonhis, quod fac- 
tum primo popularis coniurationis concusserat ' neque tamen s 
Carilinac furor minuebatur, sed in dies plura agitare, arma 
per Italiam lods opportunis parare, pecuniam sua aut ami- 

15 corum fide sumptam mutuam Faesulas ad Manlium quendam 
portare, qui postea princeps fitit befli fadundL ea tempestate 8 
pfarimos cumsque generis homines adscivisse sibi dicitur, mu- 

| lieres etiam aliquot, quae primo ingentis sumptus stupro cor- 

' poris toleraverant, post ubi aetas tantum modo quaestui 

soneque hurariae modum fecerat, aes alienum grande con- 
flaverant per eas se Catilina credebat posse servitia urbana 4 
sollidtare, urbem incendere, viros earum vel adiungere sibt vel 
interficere. 25. sed in ds erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe 
virilis audadae fadnora conmiseraL haec mulier generet 

sjatque forma, praeterea viro, Hberis satis fortunata fuit; lit- 
teris Graecis et Latinis docta, psaliere saltare elegantius, quam 
necesse est probae, multa alia, quae instrumenta hizuriae sunt 
sed d cariora semper omnia quam decus atque pudidtia fiiit; s 
rtfnnrfaft an famae minus narceret. haud facue discerneres: 

jtlnbido sic accensa, ut saepius peteret viros quam peteretur. 
sed ea saepe antehac fidem prodiderat, creditum abfairavcrat, 4 
caedis f o n sr fr fuerat, luxuria atq ue inpp ia 

Mnn JMwwwwi ^i— haii/1 ahwinlmin • twmm WCTBUS 




86-28. DE CONIURATIONE CATILINAE. 63 

iocum movere, sermone uti vd modesto vd moDi vel procad ; 
prorsos multae facetiae multusque lepoa inerat 

26« His rebus conparatis Catilina nihilo minus in proxu- 
mum annum consulatum petebat, sperans, si designatus foret, 
facile se ex voluntate Antonio usuram. neque interea quietus $ 
% erat, sed omnibus modis insidias parabat GoeronL neque flli 
S tamen ad cavendum dohis aut astutiae deerant ftamque a 
principio consulatus sui multa pollicendo per Fulviam effe- , 
cerat, ut Q. Curius, de quo paulo ahte memoravi, consflia 

4 Catflinae sibi proderet ad boc collegam suum Antonium 19 
pactione provinciae perpulerat, ne contra rem publicam 
sentiret; circumse praesidia amicorum atque clientium oc- 

5 culte habebat postquam dies comitiorum venit et Catilinae 
neque petitio neque insidiae, quas consulibus in campo 
fecerat, prospere cessere, constituit bellum facere et extrema 15 
Qmnia experiri, quoniam/quae occulte temptaverat aspera 
foedaque evenerant 27. igitur C. Manlium Faesulas atque in 
eam partem Etruriae, Septimium quendam Camertem in 
agrum Picenum, C Iulium in Apuliam dimisit; ^raeterea * 
alium alio, *quem ubique opportunum sibi.fore credebatso 

i interea Romae multa simul moliri,. consulibus insidias tendere, 
parare incendia, opportuna loca armatis hominibus obsidere, . 
ipse cum tdo esse, item alios iubere, bortari uti semper 
intenti paratique essent, dies noctisque festinare vigflarv 

3 neque insomniis neque labore fatigari postremo ubi multasj 
agitanti nihfl procedit, rursus intempesta nocte conhirationis 

4 principes convocat per M. Porcium Laecam, ibique multa de 
ignavia eorum questus, docet se Manlium praemisisse ad eam 
multitudinem, quam ad capiunda arma paraverat, item alios 
in alia loca opportuna, qui initium belli facerent,.seque ada». 
exerritum profidsci cupere, si prius Ciceronem oppSessisset; 
eum suis consfliis multum officere.' 28. igitur perterritis ac 
dutatantibus ceteris C CorneBus eques Romanua operam 



■ 
• 



64 C SALLUSTI CJUSPf 28-30. 



/ - 



suam polfidtus et cnm eo L. Varguntdus senator constituere 
ea nocte paulo post cum armatis hominibus sicuti sahitatum 
introire ad Gceronem ac de inpxoviso domi suae inparatum 
confodere. Curius nbi intellegit, quantum periculum consuli 2 

jinpendeat propere per Fulviam Ciceroni dolum qui parabatur 
euuntiat ita illi ianua prohibiti tantum fecinus frustra susce- s 
perant 

Interea Manlius in Etruria plebem soHidtare, egestatet 
shnul ac dolore iniuriae novarum rerum cupidam, quod Sullae 

lodomfnarione agros bonaque omnia amiserat, praeterea latro- 
nes cuiusque generis, quorum in ea regione magna copiaerat, 
nonnullos ez Sullanis coloniis, quibus lubido atque luzuria 
ez magnis rapinis nihil reliqui feoerat 29. ea cum Ciceroni 
unntiaxentur, andpiti malo permotus, quod neque urbem ab 

15 insidiis pxivato oonsilio longius tueri poterat, neque ezercitus 

- Manfi quantus aut quo consilio ibret satis conpertum habebaV 
xem ad srnatum refert, iam antea volgi rumoribus exagitatam. 
itaque quod plerumque in atrod negotio solet, senatus de- 2 
crevit, darent operam consules nequid res publica detri- 

sementi caperet ea potestas per senatum more Romanoe 
magistratui xnazuma permittitur, ezerdtum parar% bellum 
gerere, ooercere otnnibus N modis socios atque dvis, domi 
xniHtiaeque imperium atque iudidum suxnmum habere; aliter* 
^^ sxiepopufiiussunuIIiusearumrerumconsuU^est 80. post 

sspanoos dies L. Saenius senator in senatu Utteras redtavit, 
quas Faesufis adlatas sibi dicebat, in quibus scriptum erat 
C Manfium arma oepisse cum xnagna multitudine ante diem 
VI fafrndas Novembria. simul, id quod in tali re solet, alii 2 
portenta atque piodigia nuntiabant, alii oonventus fieri, arma 

joportari, Capuae atque in Apufia servile bellum xnovert igiturs 
**** senati decreto Q. Maxdus Rez Faesulas Q. Metellus Creticus 
in Apnliam dxcuxnque ea loca missi— d utxique ad urbem 4 
hnperatoies erant impgditi ne triumpharent cahxxnnia pau* 



\\ , 






30-3L DB COmURATIONS CATILINAB. ] 6fj\ 

corum, quibus omnia honesta atque inhonesta vcndcre mos 

5 crat — , sed praetores Q. Pompeios Rufiis Capuam Q. Metellus 
Celer in agrum Picenum, eisque pennissum, uti pro tempore 

e atque periculo exerdtum conpararent ad hoc, siquis indV 
cavisset de coniuratione, quae contra rem puUicam facta erafrj 5 
praemium servo libertatem et sestertia centum, libero inpuni- 

7 tatem eius rei et sestertia ducenta, itemque decrevere, uti 
gladiatoriae familiae Capuam et in cetera munidpia distri- 
buerentur pro cuiusque opibus, Romae per totam urbem 
vigiliae haberentur eisque minores magistratus praeessent 10 

8L Quibus rebus permota dvitas atque*inmutata urbia 
fades erat ez summa laetitia atque kadvia, quae diuturna 

aquies peperexat, repente omnis tristitia invasit: festinare 
trepidare, neque loco neque homini cuiquam satis credcre, 
neque bellum gerere neque pacem habere, suo quisque metu r$ 

3 pericula metiii ad hoc mulieres, quibus rd publicae mag- 
nitudine belli timor insolitus incesserat, adflictare sese, manus 
supplices ad caehim tendere, misezari parvos liberos, rogitare, 
omnia pavere, superbia atque deliciis omissis sibi patriaeque 
diffidere, • so 

4 At Catilinae crudelis animus eadem iHa movebat, tametsi 
praesidia paxabantur et ipse lege Plautia interrogatus erat ab 

5 L. Paulo. postremo dissimulandi causa aut sui expurgandi, 
afsicut iurgio lacessitus fbret,]in senatum venit tum M. TuQius 

consul, sive pracscntiam eius timens sive ira conmotus,»5 
orationem habuit luculenam atque uoleni rd publicae, quam 
7 postea scriptam edidit sed ubi ille adsedit, Catilina, ut erat 
paratus ad dissimulanda omnia, demissb voltu vooe supplid 
postulare a patribus coepit nequid de se temere crederent; 
ea familia ortum, ita se ab adulcscentia vitam instituisse, utjo 
omnia bona in spe haberet ne earistumarent sibi patrido 
homini, cuius ipsins atque maiorum pluruma benifida in 
plcbcm Romanam essent, perdita re publica opus esse, cum 

? 






66 C SALLUSTI tRISPl 31-33. 






i , 



» 



• 



eam servaret M. Tullius, inquilinus dvis urbis Romae. ad 8 
boc maledicta alia cum adderet, obstrepere omnes, hostem 
atque parricidam vocare. tum Ole furibundus 'quoniam* 
quidem drcumventus' inquit 'ab inimids praeceps agor, 
l incendiom meum ruina restinguam.' 82. deinde se ez curia 
domum proripuit ibi multa ipse secum volvens, quod neque 
insidiae consuli procedebant et ab incendio intellegebat urbem 
vigQiis munitam, optumum factu credens exercitum augere 
ac prius quam legiones scriberentur multa antccapere, quae 
lobello usui fbrent, nocte intempesta cum pauds in Manliana 
castra profectus est sed Cetbego atque Lentulo ceterisque, 8 
quomm cognoverat promptam audadam, mandat quibus* 
i* rebos possent opes fagtionis confirment, insidias consuli 

maturent, caedem incendia aliaque belli fadnora parent: 
^ ijsese prope diem cum magno exerdtu ad urbem accessurum. 
\ yf^ . 88L Dum baec Romae geruntur, C Manlius ex suo numero 
. i ^ legatos ad Maidum Regem mittit cum mandatis huiusce- 

\ modL 'Deos hominesque testamur, imperator, nos arma 

'^ neque contra patriam cepisse neque quo periculum aliis 

•ofaceremua, sed uti corpora nostra ab iniuria tuta forent, qui 
miseri egentes violentia atque crudelitate feneratorum plerique 
f • patriae sed omnes fama atque fortunis «peAea*sumus. neque 
cuiquam nostrum licuit more maiorum lege uti neque amisso 
patrimonio Bberam corpus habere : tanta saevina feneratorum 
«I atque praetoris fuit taepe maiorcs vostrum miseriti plebis 8 
Romanae decretis suis inopiae dus opitulati sunt, ac novis- 
sume memoria nostra propter magnitudiaem aeris alieni . 
volentibus omnibus bonis ar ge n t n m aere solutum est saepe 8 
ipea plebes ant dominandi studio permota aut superbia 
jomagistimtnum mnnata a patribus secessit at nos non im- 6 
perium neque divitias petimtis, quarum rerum cansa bdla 
atque certamina omnia inter mortalis suut, sed libertatem, 
Quam f^tryf fr ^ywwf nisi cnm n«*iw»** tf m ?1 airr** t** te atque 5 






89-85. DE CONWRATIONB CAT/UNAB. 67 

senatum orastainur, consulatis miserit dvibus, legit prae- 
sidium, quod iniquitas praetoris eripuit, restituatis neve nobis 
eam necessitudinem inponatis, ut quaeramus, quonam modo 
maxume ulti sanguinem nostrum pereamus.' 84. ad baec 
Q. Marcius respondit, siquid ab senatu petere veDent, abs 
armis discedant, Romam supplices profidscantur : ea man- 
suetudine atque misericordia senatum populi Romani semper 
fuisse, ut nemo umquam ab eo frustra auxilium petiverit 

t At Catilina ez itineie plerisque consularibus, praeterea 
optumo cuique litteras mittit, se falsis criminibus circum-10 
venturo, quoniam factioni inimicorum resistere nequiverit, 
fortunae cedere, Massiliam in ezilium proficisd, non quo 
sibi tanti sceleris conscius esset, sed uti res publica quieta 

% foret neve ez sua contentione seditio oreretur. ab bis longe 
divorsas litteras Q. Catulus in senatu recitavit, quas 8ibi 15 
nomine Catilinae redditas dicebat earum ezemplum infra 
scriptum est 85. ' L. Catilina Q. Catulo. egregia tua fides 
re cognita, grata mihi magnis in meis periculis, fiduciam 

8 commendationi meae tribuit quatn obrem defensionem in 
novo consilio non Qtatui parare, iatisfacuonem ejfnulla con- »0 
scientia de cylpa proponcrc decrcvi, quam n^usfi<K#vmm 

Slicet cognoscas. ihiuriis contumeliisque concitatus, quod 
fructu laboris industriaeque meae privatus statum dignitatis 
non opttnebsfrn, publicam miserorum causam pro mca con- 
suetudine suscepi, non quin aes alienum meis nominibus ez 
posse8S]onibus solvere possem, at alienis nominibus liberalitas 
Orestillae suis .fiUaeque copiis persolveret^sCd^quod-non 
dignos homines honore honeslatos videbam meque falsa sus- 

4 picione alienatum esse sentiebany hoc ncpine satis honestas 
pro meo casu spes rdiquae dignitatis conservandae sumjo 

5 secutus. pluia cum scribere vellem, nuntiatum est vim mihi 
eparari. nunc OrestUIam commendo tuaeque fidd trudoC^eam 

ab iniuria defendas per liberos tuos iqgatts. haveto/ 

« 

\ « 
—jtff- L / — *v .« 



t 

{ 



63 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 86-37. 

86. Sed ipse pancos dies commoratus apud C. Flaminiom 
in agro Arretino, dnm vicinitatem antea sollicitatam armis 
exHrnat, cum fascibus atque aliis imperi insignibus in castra 
ad Manlium contendit baec ubi Romae comperta sunt, % 
5 senatus Catflinam et Manlium hostis hidicat, ceterae mul- 
titudini diem statuit, ante quam sine fraude liceret ab armis 
discedere praeter rerum capitalium condemnatis. praeterea 3 
decernit uti consules dikctum habeant, Antonius cum exercitu 
Carflinam persequi maturet, Cicero urbi praesidio sit 
'>- te EatempestatemihiimperiumpopuURomanimultomazume4i 
miserabile visum est cui cum ad occasum ab ortu solis 
omnia domita armis parerent, domi otium atque divitiae, quae 
. )' prima mortales putant, adfluerent, fuere tamen cives qui 

seque remque publicaxn obstinatis animis perditum irent 
ijnamque duobus senati decretis^ex tanta multitudine neques 
i praemio inductus coniurationem patefecerat neque ex castris 

I Catflinar quisquam omnhun discesserat: tanta vis morbi ac 

\' vehiti tabes plerosque dvium animos invaserat 87. fieque 

!J aohim iOis aliena mens erat, qui conscii conhirationis fuerant» 

. . sosed omnino cuncta plebes novarum rerum studio Catilinae 

incepta probabat id staeo more suo videbatur facere. nam s 
semper in civitate quibus opes nullae sunt bonis invident, s 
malos extollunt, vetera odere, nova exoptant, odio suarum 
ierum mutari omnia student, turba atque seditionibus sine 
sjcura aluntxu^ quoniam egestas facile habetur sine (Jamno. 
sed urbana plebes ea vero praeceps erat de multis causis. 4 
* primum omnium, qui ubique probro atque petulantia maxume s 

praestabant, item alii qui per dedecora patrimoniis amissis, 
postremo omnes, quoe flagitium aut fadnus domo expulerat, 
joei Romam sicut in sentinam oonfluxerant deinde multie 
meqiores Snllanac victoriae, qood ex gregariis militibus alios 
s e na tores videbant, aHos ita divites ut regio victu atque cultu 
aetatem agercnt, stt* quisque, si in armis fbret, ex victoria 



1 i 



37-39. DE CONIURATIONE CATIUNAE. 69 

7 talia sperabat praeterea iuventus, qoae in agris manuum 
mercede inopiam toleraverat, privatis atque publicis largitioni- 
bus excita urbanum otium ingrato labori praetulerat eos 

8 atque alios omnis malum publicum alebat quo minus mi- 
randum est homines egentis, malis moribus manima spe, rdj 

9 publicae iuzta ac sibi consuluisse* praeterea quorum victoria 
Sullae parentes proscripti, bona erepta, ius libertatis inmi- 
nutum erat, haud sane alio animo beUi eventum expectabant 

10 ad hoc quicumque aliarum atque senatus partium erant, con- 

11 turbari rem publicam quam minus valere ipsi malebant id 10 
adeo malum multos post annos in dvitatem rcvorterat 
88. nam postquam Cn. Pompeio et M. Crasso consulibus 
tribunida potestas restituta est, homines adulescentes sum- 
mam potestatem nacti, quibus aetas animusque ferox erat, 
coepere senatum criminando plebem exagitare, dein largiundo 15 
atque pollidtando magis incendere, ita ipsi dari potentesque 

% fieri. contra eos summa ope nitebatur pleraque nobilitas 

8 senatus spede pro sua magnimdine. namque uti paucis 
verum absolvam, post illa tempora quicumque rem pubUcam 
agitavere honestis nominibus, tiii sicuti popuU iura defend- so 
ercnt, pars quo senatus auctoritas maxuma foret, bonum 
publicum simulantes pro sua quisque potentia certabant 

4neque illis modestia neque modus contentionis erat: utrique 
victoriam crudeUter exercebant 80. sed postquam Cn. Pom- ' 
pehis ad beUum maritumum atque Mithridadcum missus est, %i 

8 plebis opes inminutae, paucorum potentia crevit d magi- > 
stratus provindas aUaque omnia tenere, ipsi innoxii florentes 
sine metu aetatem agere ceterosque iudicus terrere, quo 

8 plebem in magistratu pladdius tractarent . sed ubi primum 
dubiis rebus novandi spes oblata est, vetus certamen animos 30 

4eorum adrexit quodsi primo proeUo CatQina superior aut 

aequa manu discessisset, profecto magna chyles atque ca- 

• lamitas rem pubUcam obpre^sisset, neque iUis, qui victoriam 

s 



j 7<> & SALLUSTI CXISPI 39-4L 

i adepti forent, ditttiut ea uti licuisset, quin defessis et exan- 

guibus qui plus posset imperium atque libertatem extorqueret 
; fuere tamen extra coniurationem conplures, qui ad Catilinam 5 

{ initio profecti sunt in eis erat Fulvius scnatoris filius, quem 

S retractum ex itinere parens necari iussit "JoJU* -^ V' ^r^ - 
Isdem temporibus Romae Lentulus, sicuti Catilina praece- 6 
4 > perat, quoscumque moribus aut fortuna novis rebus idoneos 

credebat, aut per se aut per alios sollicitabat, neque solum 
dvis, sed cuiusque modi genus hominum, quod modo bello 
\ iousui foret 40. igitur P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat, uti 
kgatos AUobrogum requirat eosque, si possit, inpellat ad 
! ' societatem belli, existumans publice privatimque aere alieno 

)v obpressos, praeterea, quod natura gens GaOica bellicosa csset, 

facile eos ad tale consilium addud posse. Umbrenus, quod * 
ijin GaHia negotiatus erat, plerisque principibus dvitatium 
* notus erat atque eos noverat ^itaqiie sine mora, ubi primum 

kgatos in foro conspexit, perconmtus pauca de statu cmtaus 
et quasi dolens eius casum, requirere coepit, quem exitum 
\^\- tantis malis sperarent postquam illos videt queri de avaritia S 

] somagistratnum, accusare senatum quod in eo auxili nihil esset, 

miseriis suis remedium mortem expectare, *at ego' inquit 
'. 'vobis, si inodo viri esse voltis, ratbnem ostendam, qua tanta 

ista mala efiugiatis/ baec ubi dixit Allobroges in maxumam 4 
spem adducti Umbrenum orare ut sui misereretur: nihil tam 
sjasperum neque tam difficile esse, quod non cupidissume 
lacturi essent, dum ea res dvitatem aere alieno liberaret ille 
' * eos tn domum D. Bruti perdudt, quod foro propinqua erat 

neque aliena consili propter Semproniam. nam tum Brutus 
ab Roma aberat praeterea Gabinium arcessit, quo maior 6 
joauctoritas sermoni ineaset eo praesenle coniurationem aperit, 
nwninat sodos, praeterea multos cuiusque generis, innoxios, 
quo legatis animus amptior esset ddnde eos pollidtos 
operam suam domum dimittit 4L sed AUobroges diu in * 



« 



■x. 



41-43. DE CONIURATIONE CATIZJNAE. *jt 

8 incerto habuere quidnam consOi caperent in altera paite 
erat aes alienum studium belli magna meicea in spe victoriae, 
at in altera maiorcs opes tuta consQia pro incerta spe certa 

a praemia. haec illis volventibus tandem vicit fortuna rei pob- 

4 licae. itaque Q. Fabio Sangae, cuius patrocinio civitas pta-j 
rumum utebatur, rem omnem uti cognoverant aperiunt 

tCicero per Sangam consilio cognito legatis praecepit ut 

studium coniurationis vehementer simulent, ceteros adeant, 

bene polliceantur, dentque operain uti eos quam mazume 

manufe8tos habeant 10 

42. Isdem fere temporibus in GaHia citeriore atque ulte- 

8 riore,item in agro Piceno Bruttio Apulia motus erat namque 
illi, quos ante Catilina dimiserat, inconsulte ac veluti per 
dementiam cuncta simul agebant nocturnis consiliis, armo- 
rum atque telorum portationibus, festinando agitando omnia 15 

8 plus timoria quam periculi *effecerant ex eo numero con- 
piuris Q. Metellus Celer praetor ez senatus consulto causa 
cognita in vincula coniecerat, item in citeriore Gallia C Mu- 
rena, qui d provinciae legatus praeerat 

48. At Romae Lentulus cum oeteris, qui principes coniu- ao 
rationis erant, paratis ut videbantur magnis copiis^ consti- 
tuerant uti, cum Cadlina in agrum Faesulanum cum ezercitu 
venisset, iL Bestia tzibunus plebis contione habita quereretur 
de actionibus Ciceronis bellique gravissumi invidiam optumo 
consuli inponeret eo signo prozuma nocte cetera multitudo 25 

8 coniurationis suum quisque negotium ezequeretur. sed ea 
divisa hoc modo dicebantur: Statilius et Gabinius uti cum 
magna manu duodedm simul opportuna loca urbis incen- 
derent, quo tumultu facilior aditus ad consulem ceterosque 
quibus insidiae parabantur fieret ; Cethegus Ciceronis ianuam 30 
obsideret eumque vi aggrederetur, alius autem alium, sed filii 
iamiliarum, quorum ez nobilitate maxuma pars erat, parentes 
interficerent, simul caede et incendio perculsis omnibus ad 



• 



f 



79 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 43-46. 

Catilinam erumperent inter haec parata atque decreta Ce- * 
tbego8 semper querebatur de ignavia sodorum: Hlos dubi- 
tando et dies prolatando magnas oppoxtunitates conrumpere, 
facto non consulto in tali periculo opus esse seque, si paud 
f adiuvarent, languentibus aliis impetum in curiam facturum. 
natnra feiox vehemens manu promptus erat, maxumum bonum 4 
in cekritate putabat 

44. Sed Allobroges ex praecepto Ciceronis per Gabinium 
ceteros conveniunt ab Lentulo Cethego Statilio item Cassio 
lopostulant ius iurandum, quod signatum ad dvis perferant: 
aliter haud facile eos ad tantum negothun inpelli posse. 
oeteri nihil suspicantes dant, Cassius semet eo brevi venturum S 
pollicetur ac paulo ante legatos ex urbe proficisdtur. Len- * 
tulus cum eis T. Volturdum quendam Crotoniensem mittit, 
s|Ut AUobroges prius quam domum pergerent, cum Catilina 
data atque accepta fide sodetatem confirmarent ipse Vol- 4 
turdo Htteras ad Catilinam dat, quarum exemplum infra 
I scriptumest 'Quis sim ex co quem adte misi cqgnosces.5 

\ fac cogites in quanta. calamitate sis, et memineris te virum 

/ ooesse. consideres quid tuae rationes postulent auxilium petas 

', *' ab omnibus, etiam ab infimis/ ad boc mandata verbis dat : 6 
cum ab senatn hostis iudicatus sit, quo consilio servitia re- 
pudiet? in urbe parata esse quae hisserit ne cunctetur ipse 
prophis adccdere. 46. his rebus ita actis, constituta nocte 
ssqua proficiscerentur, Gcero per legatos cuncta edoctus 
• L. Valerio Flacco et C Pomptino praetoribus imperat ut in 

ponte Mulvio per insidias Allobrogum comitatus deprehen- 
dant xem omnem aperit, cuius gratia mittebantur, cetera, 
uti facto opus sit, ita >p?>t permittit ilH, homines m^ it arftf f % 
josine tumultu praesidiis conlocatis, skuti praeceptum erat, 
occulte pontem obsidunt postquam ad id lod legati cum * 
Vobnrdo venenmt et simul utrimque damor exortus est, 
fiaDi dto coaiiito **™flfo sine moia nraetoribus se tradunt 



\Kx 



-* 



45-47. DE CONIURATIONE CATIUNAE. J3 

4 Vohurdus primo cohortatus ceteros gladio se a multitudine 
defendit, deinde ubi a legatis deaertus est, multa prius de 
salute sua Pomptinum obtestatus, quod ei notus erat, pos- 
tremo timidus ac vitae diffidens velut bostibus sese praetori- 
busdedit I 

46. Quibus rebus confectis omnia propere per nuntios 

8 consuli declarantur. at illum ingens cura atque laetitia simul 
occupavere. nam laetabatur intellegens conhuatione pate- 
facta civitatem periculis ereptam esse, porro antem anzhis 
erat, dubitans in mazumo scelere tantis civibus deprehensis 10 
quid facto opus esset: poenam fllorom sibi oneri, inpunitatem 

8 perdundae rei publicae fore credebat igitur confirmato animo 
vocari ad sese hibet Lentuhim Cethegum Statilhim Gabinium 
itemque Caeparium Terracinensem, qui in Apuliam ad con- 

4 citanda servitia profidsd parabat ceteri sine mora veniunt, 1$ 
Caeparius paulo ante domo egressus cognito indido ez urbe 

5 profugerat consul Lentulum, quod praetor erat, ipse manu 
tenens [in senatum] perdudt, reKquos cum custodibus in 

6 aedem Concordiae venire hibet eo senatum advocat mag- 
naque frequentia eius ordinis Volturdum cum legatis intro- so 
dudt, Flaccum praetorem scrinium cum litteris, quas a legatis 
acceperat, eodem adferre iubet 47. Volturdus interrogatus 
de itinere, de litteris, postremo quid aut qua de causa consili 
habuisset, primo fingere alia, dissimulare de cqniuratione; 
post ubi fide puMica dicere iussus est, omnia uti gesta erantt*. 
aperit docetque se paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Caepario 
sodum adsdtum nihil amplius sdre quam kgatos, tantum 
modo audire solitum ez Gabinio P. Autronhim Ser. Sullam 
L. Vargunteium, multos praeterea in ea conhiratione esse. * 

8 eadem Galli fatentur ac Lentulum dissimukntem coarguunt jo 
praeter litteras sermonibus, quos ille habere solitus erat, ez * 
libris Sibyllinis regnum Romae tribus Corneliis portendi; 
Cinnam atque Sullam antea, se tertium esse, cui fatum fixet 



.._ \ 



I • 
1 



I 






4 



74 C SALLUSTI CRISPT 47-48. 



urbis potirL praeterca ab incenso Capitolio illum esse vige- 
sumum annum, quem saepe ex prodigiis haruspices respond- 
issent bello civili cruentum fore. igitur perlectis litteris, cum s 
prius omnes signa sua cognoyissent, senatus decernit uti 
jabdicato magistratu Lentulus itemque ceteri in liberis cus- 
todiis habeantur. itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo Spintheri, qui 4 
tum aedilis erat, Cetbegus Q. Cornificio Statilius C. Gaesari 
Gabinius M. Crasso Caeparius— nam is paulo ante ex fiiga 
retractus erat— Cn. Terentio senatori traduntur. 
• se 48. Interea plebs coniuratione patcfacta, quae primo cupida 
rerum novarum nimis bello favebat, mutata mente Catilinae 
,' \ • oonsQia execrari, Ciceronem ad caelum tollere : veluti ex 

. | servitute erepta gaudium atque laetitiam agitabat namque s 

alia belE facinora praedae magis quam detrimento fore, in- 
i| cendium vero crudele inmoderatum ac sibi maxume calami- 
tosum putabat, quippe cui omnes copiae in usu cotidiano et 



I cultu corporis erant 

Post eum diem quidam L. Tarquinius ad senatum adductus s 
erat, quem ad Catilinam proficiscentem ex itinere retractum 
1} soaiebant is cum se diceret indicaturum de coniuratione, sit 

fides publica data esset, iussus a consule quae sciret edicere, 
eadem fere quae Volturcius de paratis incendiis de caede 
bononim de itinere hostium senatum docet; praeterea se* 
missum a \L Crasso, qui Catilinae nuntiaret ne eum Lentulus 

sjct Cethegus ahique ex coniuratione deprehensi terrercnt, 
eoque magis properaret ad urbem adcedere, quo et ceterorum 
anunos reficeret et illi facilius e periculo eriperentur. sed 5 
ubi Tarquinftis Crassum nominavit, hominem nobQem, max- 
umis divitiis summa potentia, alii rem incredibOem rati, pars 

lotametsi verum existumahant, tamen quia in tali tempore tanta 
vis hominis magis leniunda quam nragitanda videbatur, ple- 
rique Crasso ex negotiis privatis obnoxii conclamant indicem 
fcifwri mm deoue ea re iMwrtulant uti referatur. itaaue con- 6 



1 ■ .J. ^. 



48-50. DE CONIURATIONE CATIUNAE. 75 

sulente Cicerone frequens senatus decernit, Tarquini indidum 
falsum videri eumque in vinculis retinendum neque amplius 
potestatem fariundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cuius consQio 

Ttantam rem esset mentitus. erant eo tempore qui ezistu- 
marent indicium illud a P. Autronio machinatum, quo facilius 5 
appellato Crasso per societatem periculi reliquos illius po- 

8 tentia tegeret alii Tarquinium a Cicerone inmissum aiebant, 
ne Crassus more suo suscepto malomm patrocinio rem pub- 

• licam conturbaret ipsum Crassum ego postea praedicantem 
audivi, tantam illam contumeliam sibi ab Cicerone inpositam. 10^ 
49« Sed isdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso neque . 
pretio neque gratia Ciceronem inpellere potuere, uti per AUo- 

8 broges aut alium indicem C. Caesar falso nominaretur. nam 
uterque cum illo gravis inimicitias ezercebant: Piso oppug- 
natus in iudicio pecuniarum repetundarum propter cuiusdam 15 
transpadani supplicium iniustum, Catulus ez petitione pontifi- 
catus odio incensus» quod eztrema aetate, maxnmis honoribus - 

t usus, ab adulescentulo Caesare victus discesserat res autem 
opportuna videbatur, quod is privatim egregia liberalitate, * 
publice nfazumis muneribus grandem pecuniam debebatso 

4 sed ubi consulem ad tantum facinus inpellere nequeunt, ipsi ~ 
singillatim circumeundo atque ementiundo quae se ez Vol- ' 
turcio aut Allobrogibus audisse dicerent,magnam illi invidiam - 
conflaverant, usque eo ut nonnulli equites Romani, qui 
praesidi causa cum telis erant circum aedem Concordiae, t$ 
seu periculi magnitudine seu animi mobilitate inpulsi, quo 
studium suum in rem publicam darius esset, egredienti ez * 
senatu Caesari ghdio minitarentur. 

50. Dum haec in senatu aguntur et dum legatis AUo- 
brogum et T. Volturcio, conprobato eorum indick), praemia 30 
decernuntur, liberti et paud ez clientibus Lentuli divorsis 
itineribus opifices atque servitia in vids ad eum eripiundum 

partim ezquirebant duces T ^fl ft* ^* 11 ^ qui 



i, <-.!,- — 






•/ 



I 

y 



96 C. SALLUSTI CRISPl 50-5L 

pretio ran publicam vezare soliti erant Cethegus antem % 
per mmtios fiuniliam atque libertos suos lectos et exercitatos 
orabat [in andaciam] ut grege facto cum telis ad seae in- 
rumperent consul ubi ea parari cognovit, dispositis prae- % 
% sidiis» ut res atque tempus monebat, convocato senatu refert 
quid de eis fieri placeat, qui in custodiam traditi erant sed 
eos panlo ante frequens senatus iudicaverat contra rem pub- 
Ucam fedsse. tum D. Iunius Silanus primus sententiam* 
rogatus, quod eo tempore consul designatus erat, de eis qui 
toin custodiis tenebantur et praeterea de L. Cassio P. Furio P. 
Umbreno Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, supplicium sumun- 
dum decreverat isque postea permotus oratione C Caesaris 
y/ pedibus in sententiam Ti. Neronis iturum se dbcerat, quod de 
v ea re praesidiis additis referundum censuerat sed Caesar, 5 
i*ubi ad eum ventum cst» rogatus sententiam a consule huius- 
cemodi verba locutus est 

5L 'Omnis homines, patres conscripti, qui de rebus dubiis 
consultant, ab odio amidtia ira atque misericordia vacuos 
esse decet haud facile animus verum proyidet: ubi illa* 
y ooofljgnnt, neque quisquam omnium hibidini simul et usui 
*dp* pandt ubi inte nderis in gcnium^valct; si hibido possidet, ea 8 
dominatur, animus nihil valet magna mihi copia est memo- 4 
randi, patres conscripti, qui reges atque populi ira aut miseri- 
cordia inpulsi male consuluerint sed ea malo dicere, quae 
sj maiores nostri contra lubidinem animi sui recte atque ordine 
fecere. beDo Maccdonico, quod cum rege Perse gessimus, 5 
Rhocfiorran dvitas magna atque magnifica, quae populi Ro- 
mani opibus creverat, infida atque advorsa nobis fuit sed 
postquam beOo confecto de Rhodiis consultum est, maiores 
jonostri, neqds divitiarum magis quam iniuriae causa bellum 
/£ ) tnceptum dkeret, inpunhos eos dfcniaere. item bellis Punicis 6 
\y cwnnihns, cnm saepe Carthaginifnses et in pace et per indutiag 
j mnka ndaria fadnora frt iffftnt numquam ipsi per occa» 



(!) 



•y ) <> 



5L DE CONIURATIONE CA77UNAE. 77 



aonem talia feoere: magis quid se dignum foret quam quid 
n Tln^Iioe iure fieri posset quaerebant hoc item vobis provi- 
dendum cst, patres conscripti, ne plus apud voa vakat 
P. Lentuli et ceterorum scehis quam vostra dignitas» neu ▼ ! 

8magis irae vostrae quam famae consulatis. nam si digna* Jtfc \ 
poena pro factis eorum reperitur» novom consilhim adprobo: \ 

sin magnitudo sceleris omnhim ingenia exuperat, eis utendum %• . 

9 censeo quae legibus conparata sunt plerique eorum, qui • * [ 

1 

ante me sententias dixerunt, composite atque magnifice ca- 

sum rei publicae miserati sunt quae belli saevitia esset, quae 10 ! 

victis acciderent, enumeravere; rapi virgines pueros, divelli j 

liberos a parentum complexu» matres familiarum pati quae . ^ j 

victoribus conhibuisset, fana atque domos spoliari, caedem 

incendia fieri, postremo armis cadaveribus cruore atque luctu , 

10 omnia compleri. sed, per deos inmortalis, quo illa oratio 15 ^i 
pertmuit? an uti vos infestos coniurationi faoeret? sdiicet * ^ 
quem res tanta et tam atrox non permovit, eum orado ac- 

u cendet non ita est, neque cuiquam mortalium iniuriae suae 

11 parvae videntur: multi eas gravhis aequo babuere. sed alia 
a^licentia est, patres conscriptL' qui demissi in obscurosoi ^ 
vitam habent, siquid iracundia deliquere, paud sciunt, fama V 
atque fortuna eorum pares sunt : qui magno imperio praediti 

in excelso aetatem agunt, eorum facta cuncti mortales novere. 

11 ita in maxnma fortuna minuma licentia est neque studere 

uneque odisse, sed minume irasd decet quae apud alioss& 
iracundia dicitur, ea in imperio superbia atque crudelitas ^ ■ 

15 appellatur. equidem ego sic existumo, patres conscripti, _^~" 
omnis crudatus minores quam facinora illorum esse. sed 
pkrique mortales postrema meminere, et in hominibua inpiis 
sceleris eorum obliti de poena disserunt, n ea paulo saeviorjo 

10 fiiit D. SOanum virum fortem atque stitnuum oerto sdo 
quae dixerit studio tei publicae dixisse neque illum in tanta 
re^ gratiam ant inimiririai exercere ; eos mores eamqne w>- 



* 



78 C SALLUSTl CRISPI 6L 

destiam viri oognovL verum tententia eius mihi non crodelis 17 
— <juid enim in talis homines crudele fieri potest? — sed aliena 
a re publica nostra videtur. nam profecto aut metus autl8 
iniuria te subegit, Silane, consulem designatum genus poenae 

jnovom dccernere. de timore supervacuaneum est disserere, ifr 
cum praesertim diligenSa claHssumT^ consiil5"tota prae- 
sicfisTanfin anmsT de poena possum equidem dicere Id"quod 80 
res habet, in hictu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem 
noa cruciatum esse, eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere, 

loultra neque curae neque gaudio locum esse. sed, per deos 21 
, / inmortalis, quam ob rem in sententiam non addidisti, uti 
\ ' v prius verberibus in eos animadvorteretur? an quia lez Porcia 88 
vetat? at aliae leges item condemnatis civibus non animam 
eripi sed ezilium pennitti iubent an quia gravius est ver- 88 

ij berari quam necari? quid autem acerbum aut nimis grave est 
in bomines tanti facinoris convictos? sin quia levius est, qui 84 
oonvenit in minore negotio legem timere, cum eam in maiore 
neglegeris? at enim quis ieprehendet, quod in parricidas rei 80 
publicae decretum erit? tempus dies fortuna, cuhis lubido 

sogentibus moderatur. illis merito accidet quidquid evenerit 
ceterum vos, patres conscripti, quid in alios statuatis con- 86 
siderate. '- omnia mala ezempla ez rebus bonis orta sunt 87 
sed ubi imperium ad ignaros [eius] aut minus bonos pervenit, 
novom Ofaid ezemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et 

sj non idoneos transfertur. Lacedaemonii devictis Atheniensibus 88 

triginta viros inposuere, qui rem. publicam eoriim tractarent 
' ei primo coepere pessumum quemque et omnibus invisum in- 88 
v drmnatam necare. ea popuhis laetari et merito dicere fieii 
post ubi panlatim licentia crevit, iuzta bonos et malos lubi- 80 

lodinose interficere, ceteros metu terrere: ita civitas servitute 81 
\ obpressa stultae laedtiae gravis poenat dedit nostra memoria sa 
/' vktor Sulla cum Damasippum et alios ehismodi, qui'malo rei 
pubGcad oeverant, iugulari iustit, quis non factum ehis lau< 



j' ^ 



fc/ 



• • 



_ 



\ 



\ 



\ 




\ _ _*._*__tv. A 



5L DE COmURATlONR CATIUNAE. 79 



bat? homines ffcrtffttow et factiosos. oui seditionibus xem 

ts publicam exagitaverant, merito necatos aiebant aed ea res 
magnae initium cladis fuit nam utt quiaquc domum aut 
vfllam, postremo vas ant vestimentum alicuius concupiverat, 

Si dabat operam ut is in proscriptorum numero esset ita illi, 5 
quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat, paulo post ipsi trahe- 
bantur, neque prius finis iugulandi fuit quam Sulla omnis 

S6SU08 divitiis explevit atque ego baec non in M. Tullio' 
neque his temporibus vereor, sed in magna dvitate multa et 

sa varia ingenia sunt potest alio tempore alio consule, cui item lo 
exerdtus in manu sit, falsum aliquid pro vero credi: ubi hoc 
exemplo per senatus decretum consul gladium cduxerit, quis 

*7illi finem statuet aut quis moderabitur? maiores nostri, 
patres conscripti, neque consili neque audadae umqnam 
eguere, neque illis superbia obstabat quo minus aliena instU 1$ 

ss tuta, si modo proba erant, imitarentur. arma atque tela j 
militaria ab Samnitibus, insignia magistratuum ab Tusds/ 
pleraque sumpserunt postremo quod ubique apud socios 
aut hostis idoneum videbatur, cum summo studio domi ex- 

ss equebantur» imitari quam invidere bonis malebant sedeodemto 
illo tempore Graeciae morem imitati verberibus animadvoxte» 
bant in civis, de condemnatis summum supplicium sumebant 

40 postquam res publica adolevit et multitudine dvhim factiones 
valuere, drcumveniri innocentes, alia huiuscemodi fieri coe- 1/ 
pere, tum lex Porcia aliaequc leges paratae sunt, quibusts 

41 legibus exilhnn damnatis permissum est hanc egb causaxn,"^ 
patfes conacripti, quo minus novom consQium capiamus in 

41 primis magnam puto. profecto virtus atque aapientia maiof 

illis ftrit, qui ex parvis opibus tantum imperium fecere quam 

4S in nobis, qui ea bene parta vix retinemua. placet igitur eos 30 

• dimitti et augeri exerdtum Catilinae? minume. aed ita 

censeoi publicandas eorum pecnnias, ipsos in vinculis haben- 

dos per munidpia, quae maxum* opibua valent, ncu quis ds 



k 



,j 



*> 



C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 



51-52. 






1 






ds postea ad senatum referat neve cum populo agat: qni 
aliter fecerit, senatum ciistumarc eum oontra rem pnblicam 
et ffl fa ttrm omntuxn facturum/ 
52. Postquam Caesar dicundi finem fecit, ceteri verbo alius 
saln varie adsentiebantur. at M. Porcius Cato rogatus sen- 
tentiam huiuscemodi orationem babuit 

'Longe mibi alia mens est, patres conscripti, cum res atque 2 
pericula nostra conadero et cum sententiaa nonnullorum 
ipse mecum reputo. illi mibi disseruisse videntnr de poena • 
loeorum, qiri patriae parentibus aris atque fods suis bellum 
paravere. xes antem monet cavere ab illis magis quam quid 
in iUos statuamus consultare. nam cetera malificia tum per- 4 
sequare, nbi Jacta sunt, boc nisi provideris ne acddat, ubi 
evenit, fiustra iudicia inplores: capta urbe nibil fit reliqui 
15 victis. sed, per deos inmortalis, vos ego appello, qui semper 5 
domos vfllas signa tabulas vostras pluris quam rem publicam 
fecistis: si ista cniuscumqne modi sunt quae amplexamini 
retinere, si vohiptatibus vostris otfaim praebere voltis, exper- 
+ giscimini aliquando et capessite rem publicam. non agitur 6 
sode vectigalibua neque de sociorum iniuriis: libertas et anima 
nostra in dubio est saepe numero, patres conscripti, multa 7 
veiba in boc ordine fed, saepe de luxuria atque avaritia 
no st ro nu n dvium questus sum, multosque mortalis ea causa 
^ advorsos habeo: qui mihi atque animo meo nullhis umquam 8 
" 9$ deScti gratiam fccisscm, haud fecile alterius lubidini malefacta 
. condonabam. sed ea tametsi vos parvi pendebatis, tamen 9 
xes publica firma erat, opulentia neglegentiam tolerabat nunc 10 
veio non id agitur, bonisne an malis moribus vivamus, neque - 
quantum ant quam magnificum imperium populi Romani sit, 
josed haec cumscumqne modi videntur, nostra an nobiscum 
una hostium Aitura s*Pt hic ^™*u Quisouam m ft w ^ ue tu di p^^ ix 
el mi s fricordi a m nominat iam pridem equidem nos vera 
vocabula rennn amisimns, quia bona aliena largiri Uberalitas» - 



\ 



» A 



x 



■M 



52. DE CONIURATIONE CATIUNAE. 8l , 

* 

malarum renun audacia fortitudo vocatur, eo res publica in 
ia extremo sita est sint sane, quoniam ita se mores habent, 
f liberales ex sociorum fortunis, sint misericordes in furibus u 

aerari; ne illi sanguinem nostrum largiantur et, dum paucia 
li sceleratis parcunt, bonos omnis perditum eant beneetcom-j 
posite C Caesar patdo ante in hoc ordine de vita et morte 
disseruit, credo falsa existumans ea quae de inferis memo- 
rantur, divorso itinere malos a bonis loca taetra inculta foeda 
Matque formidulosa habere. itaque censuit pecunias eorum 
publicandas, ipsos per municipia in custodiis habendos, vide- 10 
licet timens ne, si Romae sint, aut a popularibus coniurationis w 
16 aut a multitudine conducta per vim eripiantur. quasi vero • 
mali atque scelesti tantum modo in urbe et non per totam 
Italiam sint, ant non ibi plus possit audacia, ubi ad defendun* ' 

16 dum opes minores sunt quare vanum equidem hoc con- 15 
silium est, si periculum ex illis metuit: sin in tanto omnium • 
metu solus non timet, eo magis refert me mihi atque vobis 

17 timere. quare cum de P. Lentulo ceterisque statuetis, pro r 
certo habetote vos simul de exercitu Catilinae et de omnibus 

18 conxuratis decernere. quanto vos attentius ea agetis, tanto so 
illis animus infirmior erit: si paululum modo vos languere 

10 viderint, iam omnes feroces aderunt nolite existumare, • 
maiores nostros armis rem publicam ex parva magnam 

sofecisse. si ita res esset, multo pulcherrumam eam nos • 
haberemus/quippe sociorum atque civium, praeterea armorumaj 

siatque equorum maior copia nobis quam illis est sed alia 
fuere quae fllos magnos fecere, quae nobis nulla sunt, domi 
industria foris iustum imperium» animus in consulundo liber 

tt neque delicto neque lubidini obnoxhig. pro his nos habemus • 
hurariam atque avaritiaxn, publice egestatem privatim opulen- 30 
tiaxn. laudamus divitias sequimur inertianL inter bonos et 
malos discrimen nullum, omnia virtutis praemia ambitio pos- * 

as sidet nequa minim. nfai vos separatim aibi quisque con- . 

o 



A 



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83 C. SALLUSTI CXISPI £2. 

sDium capttis, ubi domi voluptatibus, hic pecuniae aut gratiae 
servitis, eo fit ut impetus fiat in vacuam rem publicam. sed 
ego haec omitta coniuravere nobilissumi cives patriam in- 84 
. ,~, cendere, Gallorum gentem infestissumain nbmini Romano ad 

^ jbeDum arcessunt dux hostium cum exerdtu supra caput 
est vos cunctamini etiam nunc et dubitatis, quid intraW 
moenia deprensis bostibus raciatis? misereamini censeo — se 
ddiquere homines adulescentuli per ambitionem — atque etiam 
>/ armatos .dimif tafis ; ne ista vobis mansuetudo et misericordia, 27 
io si iffi arma ceperint, in miseriam convortat scDicet res ipsa 88 
aspera est, sed vos non tjmetis eam. immo vero maxume. 
\ sed inertia et mollitia animi alius alium expectantes cuncta- 
: ) mini, videlicet dis inmortalibus confisi,qui hanc rem publicam 

f saepe in mazumis pericutis servavere. non votis neque sup- 80 

; 15 plictis muliebribus auzilia dedrumparantur: vigilando agundo 

bene consulundo prospera omnia cedunt ubi socordiae te 
atque ignaviae tradideris, nequiquam deos inplores: irati 
infesrJqoe sunt apud maiores nostros A. Manlius Torquatus 80 
bdlo Gallico filium suum, quod is contra imperium in hostem 
• jopugnaverat, necari iussit, atque Ole egregius adulescens in- 81 
moderatae fortitudinis morte poenas dedit vos de crudelis- 88 
sumis parriddis quid statuatis cunctamini? videlicet cetera 
vita eorum huic sceleri obetat. verum pardte dignitati Lentuli, 88 
d ipee pudititiae, si famae suae, si dis aut hominibus umquam 
^ullis peperdt ignosdte Cethegi adulescentiae, nisi iterum 
patriae bellum fedt nam quid ego de Gabinio Statilio84 
^ Caepario loquar? quibus d quicquam umquam pensi fuisset, . 
' j . non ea consilia de re publica habuissent postremo, patres *0 

;| • cou scrip ti, d mehercnlc peccato locns esact, fadle paterer vos 

V joipea re corrigi, quoniam verba contemnirjs. sed nndique- 

• cucumvenri sumua. GatUina cum ezerdtu iandbus urget, 
affi intra moenia atque m dnu urfais sunt bostes, neque parari ^ 

AfiflDft fiOftfDb OIDfifllttffi DfltlfiSf tiGCDifcfi I flDO XBAfl4fl flKSDA» 

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52-54. DE CONIURATIONE CATtUNAB. %\ 



Mrandum est quarc ego ha censeo: com nefario 

scderatorum civium res publica in maxuma pericula venerit, 
eique indicio T. Volturd et legatorum Allobrogum convicti 
confessique sint caedem incendia aliaque se foeda atque 
crudelia fatinora in dvis patriamque paravisse, de confessiss ' 
sicuti de manufestis remm capitalium more maiorom suppli- 
dum sumundum/ 

58. Postquam Cato adsedit, consulares omnes itemque 
senatus magna pars sententiam eius laudant, virtutem animi . 
ad cadum ferunt, alii alios increpantes timidos vocar^t, Cato te 
darus atque magnus habetur, senati decretum fit, stcuti flle * 
censuerat j 

s Sed mihi multa legenti multa audienti, quae populus 
Romanus domi militiaeque mari atque terra praedara fad- 
nora fedt, forte lubuit adtendere, quae res maxume tantai$ 

5 negotia sustinuisset sdebam saepe numero parva manu • 
cum magnis legionibus hostium contendisse. cognoveram * 
parvis copiis bella gesta cum opulentis regibus, ad hoc saepe 
fortunae violentiam toleravisse, facundia Graecos gloria belli 

4 Gallos ante Romanos fuisse. ac mihi multa agitanti con- so 
stabat naucorum ctvium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse ^ x . 1 
eoque factum uti divitias paupertas, multitudinem paucitas ' 

6 superaret sed postquam luxu atque desidia dvitas conrupta 
• est, rursus res publica magnitudine sua imperatorum atque 

magistratuum vitia sustentabat ac, stcuti effeta parente, multis 15 
tempestatibus haud sane quisquam Romae virtute magnus . 

6 fiiit sed memoria mea ingenti virtute divorsis moribus fuere 
viri duo M. Cato et C Caesaf : quos quoniam res obtulerat, 
sflentio praeterire non fuit consilium, quin utriusque naturam , 

et mores, quantum ingemo possem, aperirem. 54. igitur eis*o 
genus aetas eloquentia prope aequalia fuere, magnitudo animi 

'% par f item gloria, sed alia alil Caesar benificiis ac munifi- 
centia mairnns habebatur. inteirritatft vitae Cato. ille man- 

I 



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C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 



54-60. 



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suetudine et misericordia clarus factus, huic severitas digni- 
tatem addiderat Caesar dando sublevando ignoscundo, Cato • 
nihil larghmdo gloriam adeptus est in alteio miseris per- 
fugium erat, in altero malis pernicies. illius facilitas, huius 

S coostantia laudabatur. postremo Caesar in animum indux- 4 
erat kborare, vigilare, negotiis amicorum intentus sua negle- 
gere, nihil denegare quod dono dignum esset, sibi magnum 
imperium exercitum bellum novom exoptabat, ubi virtus 
enitescere posset at Catoni studium modestiae decoris, sed 6 

lomaxume severitatis erat non divitiis cum divite neque fac- • 
tione cum factioso, sed cum strenuo virtute cum modesto 
pudore cum innocente abstinentia certabat, esse quam videri 
bonus malebat: ita quo minus petebat gloriam, co magis 
iDnm sequebatur. 

i§ 56. Postquam, ut dixi, senatus in Catonis sententiam dis- • 
cessit, consul optumum factu ratus noctein quae instabat 
antecapere, nequid eo spatio novaretur, triumviros quae [ad] 
supplidum postulabat parare iubet, ipse praesidiis dispositis 8 
T^entulum in carcerem deducit idem fit ceteris per praetores. 

soest in carcert locus quod Tullianum appellatur, ubi paululum 8 
ascenderis ad laevam, circiter duodecim pedes humi de- 
pressus. eum muniunt undique parietes atque insuper camera 4 
lapideis fornicibus iuncta, sed incultu tenebris odore foeda 
atque terribUis eius facies est in eum locum postquam de- 6 

tsmissus est Lentulus, vindices rerum capitalium, quibus prae- 
ceptum erat, laqueo gulam fregere. ita Ole patricius ex gente e 
darissuma Corneliorum, qui consulare imperium Romae 
habuerat, dignum moribus factisque puis exitium vitaeinvenit 
de Cethego StatOio Gabinio Caepario eodem modo suppli- 

jocium sumptum est 

56. Dum ea Romae geruntur, Catilina ex omni copia,quam 
ct ipse adduxerat et Manlius habnerat, duas legiones instituit, t 
cohottis pio nmnero militum complet, deinde, ut quisque 



< > 



>v 



«6-67. DR CONIURATIONE CATIUNAE. 85 



ant ex sociis in castra venerat, aequaliter distri- 
buerat, ac farevi spatio legiones nnmero bominum expleverat, 

a cum initio non amplius dnobus milibus habuisaet sed ex 
omni oppia drciter pars quarta erat militaribus armis in- 
structa, ceteri, ut quemque casus armaverat, sparos antj v/ 

4 lanceas, alii praeacutas sudis portabant sed postquam An- 
tonius cum exercitu adventabat, Catilina per montis iter 
facere, modo ad urbem modo in Galliam vorsus castra 
movere, hostibus occasionem pugnandi non dare : sperabat 
propediem magnas copias sese habiturum, si Romae sociiio v 

* incepta patravissent interea servitia repudiabat, cuius initio 
ad eum magnae copiae concurrebant, opibus coniurationis 
fretus, simul alienum suis rationibus existnmans videri causam 
civium cum servis fugitivis communicavisse. 57« sed postquam • 
in castra nuntius pervenit Romae coniurationem patefactam, 15 * 
de Lentulo et Cethego ceterisque, quos supra memoravi, 
supplichim sumptum,plerique,quod ad bellum spes rapinarum 
ant novarum rerum studium inlexerat, dilabuntur, reliquos 
Catilina per montis asperos magnis itineribus in agrum Pisto- 
riensem abdudt eo consilio, nti per tramites;occulte per-so 

a fugeret in Galliam transalpinanL at Q. MeteUus Celer cum v 
tribus legionibus in agro Piceno praesidebat, ex difficultate 
rerum eadem illa existumans, quae supra diximus Catilinam '• 

sagitare. igitur ubi iter eins ex perfugis cognovit, castra t 
propere movit ac sub ipsis radidbns montium consedit, qua sj 

4illi descensus erat in Galliam properantL neque tamen 
Antonius procul aberat, utpote qui magno exerdtu lods ' 

ftaequioribus expeditus [in rtiga] sequeretur. sed CatiHna 
postquam videt montibus atque copiis hostium sese ^"ffnm, 
in urbe res advorsas, neque fugae neque praesidi uDam spem, 30 
optumum factu ratus in tali re fortunam belli temptare, 

6 statuit cum Antonio quam primum confligere* itaque con- * 
tione advocata huiuscemodi orationem ha h ut 



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C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 



58. 



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58. ' Compertum ego habeo, milites, verba virtutcm non 
addere, neque ez ignavo strenuum neque fortem ez timido 
ezercitum oratione imperatoris fieri. quanta cuiusque animo % 
, audacia natura aut moribus inest, tanta in bello patere solet 
5 quem neque gloria neque pericula ezcitant, nequiquam hor- 
tere: timor animi auribus officit sed ego vos, quo pauca 8 
monercm, advocavi, simul uti causam mei consili aperirem. 
acitis equidem, milites, socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quan-4 
tam ipn nobisque cladem attulerit quoque modo, dum ez 

tourbe praesidia opperior, in Galliam profidsci nequiverim. 
nnnc vero quo loco res nostrae sint, faizta mecum omnes5 
intellegitis. ezerdtus hostium duo, unus ab urbe alter a6 
Gallia obstant diutius m his locjs esse, si mazume animus 
ferat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas prohibet quo- 7 

i j cumque ire placet, ferro iter aperiundum est qua propter 8 
vos moneo uti forti atque parato animo sids et, cum proelium 
iniUtis, memineritis vos divitias decus gloriam, praeterea 
libertatem atque patriam in deztris vostris portare. si vin- o 
cimus, omnia nobis tuta erunt, commeatus abunde f muni- 

socipta atque coloniae patebunt: si metu cesserimus, eadem 
3]a advorsa fient, neque locus neque amicus quisquam teget 10 
quem arma non tezerint praeterea, milites, non eademu 
nobis et illis necessitudo impendet: nos pro patria pro 
libertate pro vita certamus, illis supervacuaneum est pro 

sspotentia paucorum pugnare. quoaudacius adgrediamini me- is 
mores pristinae virtutis. licuit vobis cum summa turpitudine 19 
in ezflio aetatem agere, potuistis nonnulli Romae amissis 
bonis alienas opes ezpectare: quia illa foeda atque intoler- 14 
anda viris videbantur, haec sequi decrevistis. si haec relin- 15 

joqoere voltis, audacut opus est: nemo nisi victor pace bellum 
. mntavit nam in fuga salutem sperare, cum anna, quibusie 
f% corpus tegitur, ab hostibus avorteris, ea vero dementia est 
semper m proelio eis mazumnm est periculum, qui mazume 17 



68-60. DR C0NIURATI0NE CATIUNAR. 8fc 

ia timent, audada pro muro habefar. cum vc» considero, milites, 

et cum facta vostra aestumo, magna me spes victoriae tenet 

19 animus aetas virtus vostra me hortantur, praeterea necessitndo» 

BOquaeetiamtimidosfortis&dt nam multitudo hostium ne cir- 

ai cumvenire queat, prohibent angusuae locL quodsi virtuti voe-j 

trae fortuna inviderit, cavete inulti animam amittatis, neu capti 

potius sicuti pecora trucidemini quam virorum more pugnantes 

craentam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis/ 

59. Haecuhidixit,paululumconnicttutU88ig^canereiubet . 
atque instructos ordines in locum aequom dedudt dein re- io 
motis omnium cquis, quo militibus exacquato periculo animus 
amplior esset,ipse pedes exercitum pro loco atque copiisinstruit 
t nam uti planities erat inter sinistros montis et ab dextera rupe 
aspera, octo cohortis in fionte constituit, reliquarum signa in 

5 subsidio arthis conlocat ab eis centuriones omnis, lectos et 15 
evocatos, praeterea ex gregariis militibus optumum quemque 
armatum in primam aciem subdudt C Manlium in dextra* 
Faesulanum quendam in sinistra parte curare iubet ipse cum 
libertis et calonibus propter aquilam adsistit, quam bello Cim- 

4 brico C Marius in exerdtu habuisse dicebatur. at ex altera so 
parte C Antonius pedibus aeger, quod proelio adesse nequibat, 

6 M. Petrdo legato exerdtum permittit ille cohortis veteranas, 
quas tumultus causa conscripserat, in fronte, post eas ceterum 
exerdtum in subsidiis locat ipse equo circumiens unum 
quemque nominans appellat hortatur, rogat ut meminerint se 35 
contra latrones inermis pro patria pro liberis pro aris atque 

6 focis suis certare. homo militaris, quod ampHus annos triginta 
tribunus aut praefectus aut legatus aut praetor cum magna 
gloria in exerdtu fuerat, plerosque ipsos factaque corum fortia 
noverat : ea conmemorando militnm animos accendebat 40 

60« Sed ubi omnibus rebus exploratis Petrdus tuba signum 
dat, cohortis panlatim incedere iubet idem &dt hoetium 

a exerdtua. postquam eo ventum est, unde a fcrentariis proe- - 



//) 



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88 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI DB COM CATIL. 60-81. 

I Ihmi oonmitti posset, maznmd clamore cum infestis signis 

| concummt: pfla omittunt, gladiis res geritor. veterani pris- S 

\ tinae virtutis memores comminus acriter instare, illi haud 

j - timidi resistunt: mazuma vi certatur. interea Catilina cum4 

i jezpeditis in prima Acie vorsari, laborantibus succurrere, in- 

tegros pro sauciis arcessere, omnia providere, mutfum ipse 
pugnare, saepe bostem ferire : strenui militis et boni impera- 
toris oflSda simul ezequebatur. Petreius, ubi videt Catilinam 5 
contra ac ratus erat magna vi tendere, cohortem praetoriam 
T loin medios hostis inducit eosque perturbatos atque alios alibi 

itsistentes interficit deinde utrimque ez lateribus ceteros ag- 
greditur. Manlius et Faesulanus in primis pugnantes cadunt 6 
Catilina postquam fiisas copias seque cum pauds letictum 7 
videt, memor generis atque pristinae suae dignitatis in con- 
isfcrtissumos hostis incunit ibique pugnans confoditur. 

61. Sed confecto proelio tum vero cerneies, quanta andacia 
quantaque ahimi vis fiiisset in ezerdtu Catflinae. nam fere % 
qoexn quisque vivos pugnando locum ceperat, eum amissaa 
anima corpore tegebat paud autem, quos medios cohors 
"' «opraetoria disiecerat, paulo divorsius sed omnes tamen ad- 
vorsis volneribus condderant Catflina vero longe a suis4 
inter hostium cadavera repertus est, paululum etiam spirans 
ferociamque animi, quam habuerat vivos, in voltu retinens. ' 
postremo ez omni copia neque in proelio neque in fiigas 
ajquisquam dvis ingenuus captus est : ita cuncti suae hostium- • 
que vitae iuzta pepercerant neque tamen ezercitus populi 7 
Romani hetam aut incruentam victoriam adeptus erat nam 
stienuissumns quisque ant ocdderat in proelio aut graviter 
volneratus disoesserat multi antem, qui e castris visundi aut 8 
jospoliandi gratia processerant, volventes hostflia cadavera 
amicum alii pars hospitem aut oognatnm reperiebant; fuere 
item qui inimicos suos cognoscerent ita varie per omnem 
cscfdtnm lartithi maer o r K irt^t a to uf gaudia ^ fffofrti^ft Ti 



\Kjv. 



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DE BELLO IUGURTHINO 



UBER. 



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C SALLUSTI CRISK. ' 

DE BELLO IUGURTHINO 

UBER. 

* 

L Falso queritnr de natora sua genus humanum, quod inbc- 

a cilla atque aevi brevis forte potius quam virtnte regatur. nam 
contra reputando neque maiua aliud neque praestabilius inve- 
nias magisque naturae industriam hominum quam vim ant 

stempus deesse. sed dux atque imperator vitae mortaliums* 
animusesL qui ubi ad gloriam virtutis via grassatur, abunde 
pollens potensque et clarus est neque fortuna eget, quippe 
probitatem industriam aliasque artis bonas neque dare neque 

teripere ctdquam potest sincaptus j>ravis cupidinibus ad 
inertiam et voluptates corporis pessum datus est, perniciosa 10 
lubidine paulisper usus, ubi per socordiam vires tempus 
ingenium diffluxere, naturae infirmitas accusatur: suam 

aquisque culpam auctores ad negotia transferunt quodsi v 
hominibus bonarum rerum tanta cura esset, quanto studio 
aliena ac nihil profutura multaque etiam periculosa petunt, 15 
neque regerentur magis quam regerent casus et-eo.magni- 
tudinis procederent, ubi pro mortalibus gloria aeterni fierent' 
2. nam uti genus hominum conpositum ex corpore et anima 
est, ita res cunctae studiaque omnia nostra corporis alia alia 

sanimi naturam secuntur. igitur praeclara fades, magnaeso 
divitiae, ad hoc vis corporis et alia omnia huinscemodi brevi 
dilabuntur, at ingeni egregia facinora sicud anima inmortalia 

9 sunt postremo corporis et fortunae bonorum ut initium sic 



V 



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92 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 2-4. 

finis est omniaque orta occidunt et aucta senescunt : animus 
inconruptus aeternus rector bumani generis agit atque habet 
cuncta neque ipse habetur. quo magis pravitas eorum admi- 4 
nnda est, qui dediti corporis gaudiis per luzum et ignaviam * 

aaetatem agunt, ceterum ingenium, quo neque melius neque 

amptius aliud in natura mortalium est» incultu atque socordia 

torpescere sinunt, cum praesertim tam multae variaeque sint 

artes animi, quibus summa daritudo paratur. 

& Verumexeismagistratiisetimperiaypostremoomniscura 

lorerum publicarum minume mihi hac tempestate cupiunda 
videntur,quoniam neque virtuti bonos datur, neque illi, quibus 
per fiaudem [iis] fuit, tuti aut eo magis honesti sunt nam % 
vi quidem regere patriam aut paientes, quamquam et possis 
et delicta comgaa, tamen inportunum est, cum praesertim 

tsomnes rerum mutationes caedem fugam aliaque hostQia 
portendant frustra autem niti neque aliud se fatigando nisi t 
odium quaerere, extremae dementiae est nisi forte quem 

• inhonesta et pernidosa hibido tenet potentiae paucorum deciia 

- atque libertatem suam gratificari. 

so 4. Cetemm ez aliis negotiis, quae ingenio exercentur, in 
primis magno usui est memoria rerum gestarum. cuius de % 
virtute quia multi dixere, praetereundum puto, simul ne per 
insolenttam quis existumet memet studhim meum laudando - 
extollere. atque ego credo fore qui, quia decrevi procul a re a 

s| publka aetatem agere, tanto tamque utili labori meo nomen 
inertiae inponant, certe quibus maxuma industria videtur 
salutare plebem et conviviis gratiam quaerere. qui si repu- 4 
taverint, et quibus ego temporibus magistratus adeptus sim et 
quales viri idem adseqtd nequiverint et postea quae genera 

lohominum in senatum pervenerint, profecto existumabont me 
magis merito quam ignavia iudicium animi mei mntavisse 
maiosque commodum ex otio meo quam ex aliorum negotiis * 
id publicae ventunzm. nam saepe ego audivi Q. Maxumun^s 



4-5. DR BBLLO IUGURTHINO. 93^6 



P. Sdpfonem, praeterea dvitatis nostrae praeclaros viros 
aolitos ita dicere, cum maiornm imagincs intuerentor, vehe- 
e mentissume sibi animum ad virtutem accendi scOicet non 
ceram illam neque figuram tantain vim in sese habere, sed \ 

memoria rerum gestarum eam flammam egregiia viris inj \ 

pectore crescere nequepriussedari, quam virtus eorum fiunam ,., 

7 atque gloriam adaequaverit at contra quis est^omnium eis . , 
moribus/ quin divitiis et sumptibus, non probitate neque 
industria cum maioribus suis contendat? etiam homines * 
novi, qui antea per virtutcm soliti erant nobilitatem antcvenire, 10 

furtim et per latrocinia potius quam bonis artibus ad imperia 

8et honores nituntur: proinde quasi praetura et conwilahn 

atque alia omnia huhiscemodi per se ipsa clara et magnifica 

sint, ac non perinde habcantur, ut eorum qui ea snstinent 

8 virtus est venim ego liberius altiusque processi, dum me 15 ' 
dvitatis morum piget taedetque. nunc ad inceptum redeo. 

5. Bellum scripturus sum,quod popuhis Romanus cum Iu- 
gurtha rege Nnmirianim gessit, primum quia magnum et atrox 
variaque victoria fuit, dchinc quia tunc primum superbiae 

% nobilitatis obviam itum est quae contentio divina et humana so \ 
cuncta permiscuit eoque vecordiae processit, ut studiis dvi* * v v 

8 libus bellum atque vastxtas Italiae finem faceret sed prius- / 
quam huiuscemodi rd initium expedio pauca supra repetam, 
qucA ad cognoscundum omnia inhistria magia magisque in 
aperto sint %% 

4 Bello Punico secundo» quo dux Cartbaginiensium Hannibal • 
post magnitudinem nominis Romani Italiae opes tnaxmne ' 
adtrivtrat, Masinissa rex Numidarum in amicitiam receptus a 
P. Sdpione, cui postea Africano cognomen ex virtute ftrit, 
mnlta et praeclara rd militaris fecinora fecerat ob quaego 
victis Carthaginiensibus et capto Syphace, cuius in Africa 
magnum atque late imperium valuit, populus Roinanus quas- 

5 cumque urbis et agros manu cepcrat, regi dono dedit igitur 






94 C SALLUSTI CRISPI 6-7. 

amicitia Masinissae bona atque honesta nobts permansit 
sed imperi vitaeque eius finis idem firit dein Micipsa filiua 6 
regnum solua obtinuit, Mastanabale tt Gulussa firatribus morbo 
absumptis. is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ez sese genuit7 
5 Iugurthamque filium Mastanabalia fratris, quem- Masinis^ 
quod ortua ez concubina erat, privatum/gereliquerat, eodem 

. cultu quo liberos suos domi habuit 

6. Qui ubi primum adolevit, poHens viribus decora facie sed 
multo mazume ingenio validus, non ae luzu neque inertiae 

loconnimpendum dedit, sed, uti mos gentis illius est, equitare 
iaculari, cursu cum aequalibus certare, et cum omnis gloria 
anteiret, omnibus tamen carus esse; ad hoc pleraque tempora 
in venando agere, leonem atque alias feras primus aut in 
primis ferire, plurumum facere minumum ipse de se kxjul 

9$ quibus rebus Micipsa, tametsi initio laetus fuerat, ezistumans 9 
virtutem Iugurthae regno suo gloriae fore, tamen postquam . 
hominem adulescentem ezacta sua aetate et parvis liberia 

. magis magisque crescere intellegit, vehementer eo negotio 
permotus, muka cum animo suo volvebat terrebat eum 9 

jonatura mortalium avida imperi et praeceps ad explendam 
animi cupidinem, praeterea opportunitas suae liberorumque 
aetatis, quae etiam mediocris viros spe praedae transvorsos 
agit; ad hoc studia Numidarum in Iugurtham accensa, ez 
quibus, si talem virum dolis interfedsset, ne qua seditio aut 

j| bellum oriretur anzius erat 7. his difficultatibus circumventus 
ubividetnequeper vim neque insidiis opprimi posse hominem 
tam acceptum popularibus, quod erat Iugurtha manu promptus 
et adpetens gloriae militaris, statuit eum obiectare periculis et 
eo modo fortunam temptare. igitur bello Numantino Micipsa, 9 

jocum popub Romano equitum atque peditum amrilia mitteret, 
jperans vel ostenrando virtutem vel hostium saevitia facile 
eam occasurum, pnefedt Numidis, quos in Hispaniam 
' snittebat aed ea res longe aHter ac xatua emt evenit j 



r 



7-ft. DB BBLLO IUGURTHINO. 95 

4 nam Iugurtha, ut erat inpigro atque acri ingenio, ubi natnram 
P. Sdpionis, qui tum Romanit imperator erat, et moran 
hostium cognovit, mnlto labore multaque cura, praeterea 
modestissume parendo et taepe obviam eundo periculia in ' 
tantam daritudinem brevi pervenerat, ut nostria vebementer 5« 

Jcarus, Numantinis maxumo terrori esset ac sane, quod • 
difficflhimum in primis est, et proelio strenuus erat et bonus 
consilio, quorum alterum ex providentia timorem, alterum ex < - 

e andada temeritatem adferre plerumque solet igitur imperator 
omni8 fere res asperas per Iugurtbam agerc, in amids habere, 10 
magis magisque eum in dies amplecti, quippe cuius neque * 

7 consilium neque inceptum ullum frustra erat buc adcedebat * 
munificentia animi et ingeni sollertia, quis rebus.sibi multos - 
ex Romanis familtari amicitia coniunxerat 

8. Ea tempestate in exerdtu nostro fiiere conplures novi 1$ 
atque nobiles, quibus divitiae bono bonestoque potiores erant, 
factiod domi, potentes apud socios, clari magis quam honesti, * 
qui Iugurthae non mediocrem animum poIHcitando ac- 
cendebant, si Micipsa rex occidisset, fore uti solus imperi 
Numidiae potiretur: in ipso maxumam virtutem, Romaeso 

1 omnia venalia esse. sed postquam Numantia ddeta P. Sdpio ' 
dimittere auxilia et ipse revord domum decrevit, donatum 
atque laudatum magnifice pro contione Iugurtham in prae- 
torium abduxit ibique aecreto monuit, ut podus publice quam 
privatim amicttiam populi Romani coleret neu quibus largiri 15 
insuesceret: periculose a pauds emi, quod multorum esse^ 
si permanere vellet in suis artibus, ultro iDi et gloriam et % 
regnum venturum, sin properanthis pergeret, suamet ipsum - 
pecunia praedpitem casurum. 9. sic locutus cum Htteris eum, 
quas Midpsae redderet, dimisit earum sententia haec eratjo 

5 «Iugurthae tui beUo Numantino longe maiuma virtus firit, * 
quam rem tibi certo sdo gaudio esse. nobis ob merita sua # 
carus est: ut idem senatui et populo Romano sit, summa ope 



I 

t - 

I 



9< C. SALLUSTI CRJSPl 0-10. 

nitemur. tibi qddem pro nostra amidtia gratulor. en habes 
vinim dignnm te atque avo suo Maan issa / igitur rex ubi ea, S 
quae fiuna acceperat, ex litteris imperatoris ita esse cognovit, 
cum virtute tum gratia viri permotus flexit animum suum et 

jlugurtham benifidis vincere aggressus est, statimque eum 
adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis beredem instituit 
sed ipse paucos post annos morbo atque aetate confectus cum 4 
aibi finem vitae adesse intellegeret, coram amicis et cognatis 
itemque Adherbale et Hiempsale filiis didtur huiuscemodi ' 

loverba cum Iugurtha habuisse. 

10. 'Fairomego^Iugurtha^teamissopatresinespesineopi- 
bus in regnum meum accepi, existumans non minus me tibi 
| quam liberis» si genrissem, ob benificia carum fore. neque 

ea res falsum me habuit nam, ut alia magna et egregia tna *. 

i5omittam, novissume rediens Numantia meque regnumque 
meum gloria bonoravisti tuaque virtute nobis Romanos ex 
*amids amidssumos fecistL in Hispania nomen familiae. 
renovatum est postremo, quod diffidllumum inter mortalis 
est, gloria mvidiam vicistL nunc, quoniam mihi natura finem * 

•ovitae facit» per hanc dexteram, per regni fidem moneo ob- 

testorque te, uti hos, qui tibi genere propinqui, benifido meo 

^* fratres sunt, caros habeas, neu malis alienos adiungere quam 

sangnme ooniunctos retinere. non exercttus neque thesauri 4 

praesidia regni sunt, verum amid, quos neque armis cogere 

•sneque anro parare queas: offido et fide pariuntur. quisft 
antem ainidor quam frater firatri? aut quem alienum fidum 
invenies, si tuis hostis fueris? equidem ego vobis regnum 6 
tiado firmum, si bom eritis, sin maK, inbecillum. nam 
concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maxnmae dilabuntur. 

joceterum ante hos te, Iugurtha, qui aetate et sapientia prior es, 7 
ne aliter qdd eveniat, providere decet nam in omni certa- 
. mine qd opuleatior est, etiamsa acdpit iniuriam, tamen quia 
pbs potest, facere videtur. voe autem, Adherbal et Hiempsal, 8 



\ 



10-12. DB BBLLO IUGURTHIN0. . 97 

colite observate talem hunc virum, imitamini yirtutem et 
enitimini, ne ego meliores Kberos finmpsisse vklear quam 
genuisse»' 

VL Ad ealugurtha tametsi regem ficta locutum intellegebat 
et ipse longe aliter animo agitabat, tamen pro tempore bcnigne | 

srespondit Micipsa paucis post diebus moritur. postquam 
illi more regio iusta magnifice fecerant, reguli in unum 

% convenerunt, ut inter se de cunctis negotiis dtfseptarent scd 
Hiempsal, qui minumus ex illis erat, natura ferox et iam antea 
ignobilitatem Iugurthae, quia materno genere inpar erat,io 
despiciens, dextra Adherbalem adsedit, ne medius ex tribus, 

4quod apud Numidas honori ducitur, Iugintha fbret dein 
tamen ut aetati concederet fatigatus a fratre, vix in partem 

5alteram transductus est ibi cum multa de administrando 
imperio dissererent, Iugurtha inter alias res iacit, oportereii 
quinquenni consulta et decreta omnia rescindi : nam per ea 
tempora confectum annis Midpsam parum animo valuisse. 

e tum idem Hiempsal placere sibi respondit: nam ipsum illum - 

7 tribus proxumis annis adoptatione in xegnum pervenisse. quod 
verbum in pectus Iugurthae altius quam quisquam ratus erat ao 

8 descendit itaque ex eo tempore ira et metu anxius moliri ' 
parare atque ea modo cum animo habere, quibus Hiempsal 

per dolum caperetur. quae ubi tardius procedunt neque 
lenitur animus ferox, statuit quovis modo inceptum perficere. * 

12. Primo conventu, quem ab regulis £actum supra memo-^5 
ravi, propter dissensionem placuerat dividi thesauros finisque 

simperisingulisconstituL itaquetempusadutramquexemdecer-' 
nitur, sed matnrins ad pecuniam distribuendam. reguliintereain 

S loca propinqua thesauris alius alio concessere. sed Hiempsal 
in oppido Thirmida forte eius domo utebatur, qui pxoxumus 30 
lictor Iugurthae carus acceptusque ei semper fiierat quem 
ille casu ministrum oblatum promissis onerat inpellitque, uti 
tamquamsuam visens domum eat, portarum clavis 



v. 



98 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 12-18- 



• i 



il 



»1 
i 



! 
i 

V 

r 



parct— nam verae ad Hiempsalem referebantur— ceterum, ubi 
res postularet, se ipsum cum magna mann venturum. Numida 4 
'nrandnfti brevi confidt atque, uti doctus erat, noctu Iugurthae 
milites introdudt qui postquam in aedis inrupere, divorsi5 
f regem quaerere, dormientis alios alios occursantis interficere, 
acrutaii ioca abdita, clausa effringere, strepitu et tumultu 
omnia miscere, cum interim Hiempsal reperitur occultans 
se.tugurio mulieris ancillae, quo initio pavidus et ignarus locf 
perfugerat Numidae caput dus, uti iussa erant, ad Iugurtham 

« loreferunt 

13. Ceterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam brevi 

j divolgatur. Adberbalem omnisque, qui sub impdrio Micipsae 

j fuerant, metus invadit in duas partis discedunt Numidae: 

pbres Adherbalem secuntur, sed fllum alterum bello meliores. 

} ijigitur Iugurtba quam maxumaa potest copiaa armat, urbisi 

partim vi alias voluntate imperio suo adiungit, omni Numidiae 
imperare parat Adberbal, tametsi Romam legatos miserat, S 

| qui senatnm docerent de caede fratris et fortunis suis, tamen 

fietus multhudine mflitum parabat armis contendere. sed ubi 4 
sores ad certamen venit, victus ex proelio profugit in provindam 

I ac deinde Romam contendit tum Iugurtha patratis con-5 

t sfliis, postquam omnis Numidiae potiebatur, in otio &cinus 

suum cum animo reputans, timere popuhim Romanum neque 
advorsus inun eius usquam nisi in avaritia nobflitatis et pe~ 
* tS cunia sua spem habexe. xtaque paucis diebus cum auro et e 
argento rnnho Romam legatos mittit, quis praecipit, primum 
uti veteres amkos muneribus expleant, deinde novos ad- 
quirant, postremo quaecumque possint largiundo parare ne 

'i cunctentur. sed uhi Romam legati venere et ex praecepto7 

soregis hospiribos aliisque, quorum ea tempestate in senatu 
anctoritas pollebat, magna munera misere, tanta conmntario 
incessit, ut ex aaxuma invidia in gratiam et favorem nobfii- 
tatis Iugurtha venfct quorum pars spe alii praemio inducti 8 



18-14. DB BBLLO 1UGURTHIN0. 99 

singulos ex senatu axnbiando nitebantur, ne gravins in enm 

9 consuleretur. igitnr ubi lcgati satis confidunt, die constituto 
senatus utrisque datnr. tum Adherbalem hoc modo locutnm 
accepimus. 

14. 'Patres conscripti, Mitipsa pater meus moriens mihig 
praecepit, uti regni Numidiae tantum modo procurationem 
ezistumarem taeam, ceterum his et imperium eius penes vos 
esse; simul eniterer domi militiaeque quam maxumo usui esse 
populo Romano, vos fnihi cognatorum, vos adfinium loco 
ducerem: si ea fecissem, in vostra amicitia ezercitum divitias 10 

1 munimenta regni me habiturum. quae cum praecepta pa- 
rentis mei agitarem, Iugurtha, bomo omnium quos terra 
sustinet sceleratissumus, contempto imperio vostro Masinissae 
me nepotem et iam ab stirpe socium atque amicum populi 

3 Romani regno fortunisque iomnibus expulit atque ego,patres 15 
conscripti, quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram, vellem . 
potius ob mea quam ob maiorum meorum benifida possem 
a vobis auxilium petere, ac manime deberi mihi brnifina ' 
a populo Romano, quibus non egerem ; secundum ea, si 

4desideranda erant, uti debitis uterer. sed quoniam parumso 
tuta per se ipsa probitas est, neque mihi in manu fuit 
Iugurtha qualis foret, ad vos confugi, patres conscripti, qui- 
bus, quod mihi miserrumum est, cogor prius oneri quam usui 

5 esse. ceteri reges aut bello victi in amicitiam a vobis recepti 
sunt ant in suis dubiis rebus societatem vostram adpetiverunt 9$ 
familia nostra cum populo Romano bello Carthaginiensi ami- 
citiam instituit, quo tempore magis fides eius quam fortuna • 

opetunda erat quorum progeniem vos, patres conscripti, 
nolite pati me nepotem Masinissae frustra a vobis auTilinm 

7 petere. si ad impetrandum nihil causae habcrcm praeter mi-|o 
serandam fortunam, quod paulo ante rex genere fama atque 
cqpiis potens, nunc deformatus aeramms inops, alienas opes 
expecto, tamen erat maiestatis populi Romani proh&ere in« 

h s 



f 



i IOO C. SALLUSTl CXISPI 14. 

i 



* 



a 



inriam neque pati cuiusquam regnum per scelus crescere. 
venun ego eis finibus eiectus sum, quos maioribus meis8 
populus Romanus dedit, unde pater et avos meus una vobis- 
cum expulere Syphacem et Carthaginiensis. vostra benificia 

$ mihi erepta sunt» patres conscripti, vos in mea inluria despecti 
estis. eheu me miserum ! hucine, Micipsa pater, benificia 9 
tua evasere ut, quem tu parem cum liberis tuis regnique 
participem fecisti, is potissumum stirpis tuae extinctor sit? 
numquamne ergo fiunilia nostra qukta erit? semperne inio 

losanguine ferro fiiga vorsabitur? dum Carthaginienses in- 
columes fuere, hire omnia saeva patiebamur : hostes ab latere, 
vos amici procul, spes omnis in armis erat. postquam illa 
pesbs ex Afiica eiecta est, laeti pacem agitabamus, quippe 
quis hostis nullus erat, nisi forte quem vos iusstssetis. ecce U 

iiautem ex inproviso Iugurtha, intoleranda audada scelere . 
atque superbia sese ecferens^ fratre meo atque eodem pro- 
pinquo suo interfecto, primum regnum eius sceleris sui prae- 
dam fecit, post, ubi me eisdem dolis nequit capere, nihil 
minus quam vim aut bellum expectantem in imperio vostro, 

sosicut videtis, extorrem patria domo, inopem et coopertum 
miseriis effedt, ut ubivis tutius quam in meo regno essem. 
ego sic- existumabam, patres conscripti, uti praedicantem xs 
andiveram patrem meum: qui vostram amicitiam diligenter 
colerent, eos multum laborem suscipere, ceterum ex omnibus 

as maxume tutos esse. quod in familia nostra fiiit, praestitit, 1S 
uti in omnibus bdlis adesset vobis: nos uti per otium tuti 
simus, in vostra manu est, patres conscripti. pater nos duos 14 
fiaties reliquit, tertium Iugurtham benificiis suis ratus est 
conmnctum nofais fore. alter eorum necatus est, alterius ipse 

joego manus inpias vix effugi. quid agam? aut quo potis- 15 
«www«i infelix adoedam? generis praesidia qwmm* extincta 
sunL nater. uti nfCfmif erat. naturaf ff>nrfsait fiatrL ouem 
ouuum decuit, prapincua per acehu vitam eripuit adfinis . 

I 



14. DE BRLLO IUGURTHINO* .KOI 

amicos propinquos ceteros meos alium alia dades obpressit: 
capti ab Iugurtha pars in crucem acti pars bestiis obtecti 
sunt, paud, quibus relicta est anima, clausi in tenebria cum 

16 maerore et luctu/morte graviorem vitam exigunt si omnia, 
quae aut amisi aut ex necessariis advorsa facta sunt, incolumia$ 
manerent, tamen, siquid ex inproviso mali acddisset, vos 
inplorarem, patres jconscripti, quibus pro magnitudine imperi 

17 ius et iniurias omnis curae esse decet nunc vero exul patria ' 
domo, sohis atque omnium bonestarum rerum egens quo 
adcedam aut quos appellem? nationesne an reges, qui omnes io 
famOiae nostrae ob vostram amidtiam infesti sunt? an quo-- 
quam mibi adire licet, ubi non maiorum meorum hostQia 
monumenta pluruma sint? aut quisquam nostri misereri 

18 potest, qui aliquando vobis hostis fuit t postremo Masinissa 

• nos ita instituit, paties conscripti, nequem coleremus nisit$ 
populum Romanum, ne societates neu foedera nova accipe- 
remus, abunde magna praesidia nobis in vostra amidtia fore : 
si huic imperio fortnna mutaretur, una ocddundum nobis 

10 esse. virtute ac dis volentibus magni estis et opulenti, omnia 
secunda et oboedientia sunt; quo facilius sociorum iniuriasso 

socurare licet tantum illud vereor, nequos privata amidtia 
Iugurthae parum cognita transvorsos agat, quos ego audio - 
maTiima ope nid ambire fatigare vos singulos, nequid de 
absente incognita causa statuatis, fingere me verba et rogam 

si simulare, cui licuerit in regno manere. quod utinam illum, t$ 
cuhis inpio facinore in has miserias proiectus sum, eadem 
haec simulantem videam, et aliquando aut apud vos aut apud 
deos inmortalis rerum humanarum cura oriatur : ne ille, qui 
nunc scderibus suis ferox atque praeclarus est, omnibus 
malis excruciatus inpietatis in parentem nostrum, fratris md 30 

tt neds mearumque miseriarum gravis poenas reddat iamiam 
frater, animo meo carissume, quamquam tibi inmatuio et 
unde minume decuit vita erepta est, tamen laetandum magis ' 



\ 



\^- 



t 



1 






I0S C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 14-15. 

quam dolendum puto casum tuum*. non enim regnum sed ss 
fugam ezilium egestatem et omnis has quae me premunt 
aerumnas eum anima simul amisisti. at ego infelix, in tanta 
mala praecipitatus ex patrio regno, rerum humanarum spec- 

I tacuhun praebeo, incertus quid agam, tuasne iniurias pcr- 
sequar ipse auzili egens an regno consulam, cuius vitae 
necisque potestas ez opibus alienis pendet utinam emorisi 
fortunis meis honestus ezitus esset neu vivere contemptus 
viderer, si defessus malis iniuriae concessissem. nunc neque 

lovivere hibet neque mori licet sine dedecore. patres con-as 
scripti, per vos, per liberos atque parentes vostros, per 
maiestatem populi Romani, subvenite mihi misero, ite obviam 
iniuriae, nolite pati regnum Numidiae, quod vostrum est, per 
scelus et sanguinem familiae nostrae tabescere/ * 

i% 16. Postquam rez finem loquendi fccit, legati Iugurthae 
krgitione magis quam causa freti pauds respondent Hiemp- 
sakm ob saevitiam suam ab Numidis interfectum, Adherbalem 
ultro bellum inferentem, postquam superatus sit, queri quod 
iniuriam facere nequivisset: Iugurtham ab senatu petere ne 

sose alium putarent, ac Nnmantiae cognitus esset, neu verba 
inimid ante facta sua ponerent deinde utrique curia egre- s 
diontnr. senatus statim consulitur. fautores legatorum, prae- 
terea senatus magna pars gratia depravata Adherbalis dicta 
contemnere, Iugurthae virtutem eztollere laudibus: gratia 

ajvoce, denique omnibus modis pro alieno scelere et flagitio 
sua quasi pro gloria nitebantur. at contra pauci, quibusa 
bonnm et aequom divitiis carius erat, subveniundum Adher- 
bali et Hiempsalis mortem severe vindicandam censebant, sed 4 
ez omnibus maTumr Aemilhis Scaurus, homo nobilis inpiger 

yfectiosns avidus potentiae honoris divitiarum, ceterum vitia 
sua callide occultans. is postquam videt regis largitionem 5 
ftmosam inpudentemque, veritus, quod in tali rc solet, ne ' 
P ^H^f^ iiff«fi^ invidiam acccnderc^ °^ mnn i a consueta lubi- 

( 



16-17. DE BRLLO IUGURTHINO. 103 

dine continuit 16. vidt tamen in senatu pars iOa, quae vero 

t pretium aut gratiam anteferebat decretum fit oti decem legati 
regnum, quod Mitipsa optinuerat, inter Iugurtbam et Adher- 
balem dividerent cuius legationia princeps fiiit L. Opimius, 
homo clarus et tum in senatu potens, quia consul C. Gxaccho$ 
et M. Fulvio Flacco interfecds acerrume victoriam nobilitatis 

tin plebem ezercuentt eum Iugurtha tametsi Romae in 
inimicis habuerat, tamen adcuratissume recepit, dando et 
pollicendo multa perfecit, uti fama fide, postremo omnlbus 

4suis rebus commodum regis anteferret reliquos legatosio 
eadem via adgressus plerosque capit, pancis carior fides 

5 quam peconia fuit in divisione quae pars Numidiae Mau- v 

retaniam attingit, agro virisque opulentior, Iuguxthae traditur, ^i 
iilam alteram specie quam usu potiorem, quae portuosior et 
aedificiis magis ezornata erat, Adherbal possedit 1$ 

17. Res postulare videtur Africae situm paucis exponere 
et eas gentis, quibuscum nobis bellum aut amicitia fuit, 

1 attingere. sed quae loca et nationes ob calorem aut asperi- 
tatem, item solitudines minus frequentata sunt, de eis haud > i 

fadle conpertum narraverim. cetera quam paucissnmis ab-so 
solvanx • . 

3 In divisione orbis terrae plerique in parte tertJa Afiricam l l 

posuere, pauci tantum modo Asiam et Europam esse, sed 

tAfricam in Europa. ea finis habet ab ocddente fretum 
nostri maris et Oceani, ab ortu solis declivem latitudinem, 1$ 

5 quem locum Catabathmon incolae appellant mare saevom 
inportuosum, ager frugum tertflis 9 bonus pecori, arbori infe- 

e cundus, caelo terraque penuria aquarum. genus hominum 
salubri corpore, velox, parjens laborum. plerosque senectus 
dissolvit, nisi qui ferro aufbestiis interiere: nam morbus haudjo 
saepe quemquam superat ad hoe malifid generis pluruma' 

7 animalia. sed qui mortales initio Afiicam habuerint» quique 
postea adcesserint, aut qoo modo inter se permixti sint, quam- ! 



s~ 



t 



104 C. SALLUSTl CRISPl 17-18. 

. qnam ab ea faina, quae plerosque optinet» divorsum est, tamen 

j A utia libris Punids, qui regii Hiempsalis dicebantur, inter- 

'(/ pretatom nobis est utique rem sese habere cultores eius terrae 

/ potant, qnam paodssomis dicam. ceterum fides eius rei penes 

sanctores erit 

18. Afiricam initio habuere Gaetuli et Libyes, asperi incul- 
tique, quis dbus erat caro ferina atque humi pabulum uti 
pecoribus. d neque moribus neque iege aut imperio cuius- s 
quam regebantur: vagi palantes quas noz coegerat sedes 

lohabebant sed postquam in Hispania Hercules, sicuti Afri S 
putant, interiit, ezercitus dus conpositus ez variis gentibus 
amisso duce ac passim mulds sibi quisque imperium peten- 
tibus brevi dilabitur. ex eo numero Medi Persae et Armenii, 4 
navibus in Afiricam transvecti, prozumos nostro mari locos 

1$ occupavere, sed Persae intra Oceanum magis, eique alveos 5 
navium invorsos pro tuguriis habuere, quia neque materia 
m agris neque ab Hispanis emundi ant mutandi copia erat: 
mare magnum et ignara Iingua commercio prohibebant d 6 
panlatim per conubia Gaetulos secum miscuere et, quia7 

sosaepe temptantes agros alia deinde alia loca petiverant, 
semet ipd Nomadas appellavere. ceterum adhuc aedifida 8 
Numidanmi agrestium, quae mapalia illi vocant, oblonga 
incnrvis lateribus tecta quasi navium carinae sunt Medis 8 
antem et Armeniis adcenere Libyes — nam d propius mare 

sjAfricum agitabant, Gaetnli sub sole magis, haud procul ab 
ardoribus— eique mature oppida habuere : nam fireto divisi 
ab Hispania mutare res inter se insdtnerant nomen eorum 10 
panlathn Libjes conrupere, barbara lingna Manxos pro Medis 
appdlantes. sed res Persarum brevi adolevit ac postea no- U 

jomine Numidae propter multitndinem a parentibus digresn 
poticderc ea loca, qnae prozuma Carthagine Numidia ap- 
peDatnxi deinde utrique alteris freti finitumos armis aut tnetu 18 
snb impcrium suum coegere, nom en gloriamqoe sibi ad- 






18-20. DE BELLO IUGURTHIN0* 105 

didere, magis ci, qui ad nostrum mare processerant, quia 
Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bdlicosL denique AJricae pars 
inferior pleraque ab Numidis possessa est, victi omnes in 
gentem nomenque imperantium concessere. 19. postea 
Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minuendae gratia, pan$ 
imperi cupidine aollicitata plebe et aliis novaram rerum 
avidis, Hipponem Hadnimetum Leptim aliasque urbis in 
ora marituma condidere eaeque brevi mutaim auctae pars 

toriginibus suis praesidio aliae decori fuere. nam de Car- 
tbagine sQere melius puto quam panun dicere, quoniamio 
alio properare tempus monet 

• Igitur ad Catabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab Africa 
dividit, aecundo mari prima Cvrene est, colonia Theraeon, ^ 
ac deinceps duae Syrtes interque eas Leptis, deinde Philae- 
non arae, quem locum Aegyptum vorsus finem imperiig 

«habuere Carthaginienses, poet aliae Punicae urbes. cetera 
loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae tenent, prozumi His- 

epania Mauri sunt super Numidiam Oaetulos accepimus 

eparthn in tuguriis alios incultius vagos agitare, post eos 

7 Aethiopas csse, dehinc loca exusta aolis ardoribus. igitur se 
beUo Iuguithino pleraque ez Punicia oppida et finis Cartha- ^ 
giniensium, quos novissume habuerant, populus Romanus 
per magistratus administrabat, Gaetulorum magna pars et 
Numidae usque ad fiumen Mulucham sub Iugurtha erant, 
Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter nomenig 
cetera ignarus popuH Romani itemque nobis neque bello 

sneque pace antea cognitus. de Africa et eius incolis ad 
necessitudinem rei satis dictum. 

20. Postquam diviso regno legati Africa dcccssere et 
Iugurtha contra timoiem animi praemia sceleris adeptumgo 
sese videt, certum esse ratus, quod ex amicis apud Numan- 
tiam acceperat, omnia Romae venaHa esse, simul et iHorum 
poD irit a t i o nibu» accensus, quos paulo ante muneribus ex- 



4 



.1 



106 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 20-2L 

pleverat, in regnum Adherbalis animum intendit ipse acerl 
bcHicosus,at is quem petebat quietus imbellis, placido ingenio, 

* opportunus iniuriae, metuens magis quam metuendus. igitur • 

ex inproviso finis eius cum magna manu invadit, multos 
jmortalis cum pecore atque alia praeda capit, aedificia in- 
cendit, pleraque loca hostiliter cum equitatu adcedit, deinde 4 
cum omni multitudine in regnum suum convortit, existumans 
Adherbalem dolore permotum iniurias suas manu vindicatu- 
rum eamque rem belli causam fore. at ille, quod neque se 5 

loparem armis eiistumabat et amidtia populi Romani magis 
quam Numidis firetus erat, kgatos ad Iugurtham de iniuriis 
questnm misit qui tametsi contumeliosa dicta rettule- 
rant, prius tamen omnia pati decrevit quam belhim sumere, 
quta temptatum antea secus cesserat neque eo magise 

ijcupido Iugurthae minuebatnr, quippe qui totum eius ieg* 
nnm animo iam invaserat itaque non uti antea cum7 
piaedatoria manu, sed magno exerdtu conparato bellum 
gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere. 
ceterum qua pergebat urbis agros vastare, praedas agere,8 

sosuis animum hostibus terrorem augere. SL Adherbal ubi 
inteDegit eo processum, uti regnum aut relincundum esset 
ant armis retinendum, necessario topias parat et Iugur- 
thae obvins procedit interim haud longe a mari propet 
CSrtam oppidum ntriusque exerdtus consedit et quia diei 

s*extremum crat proelium non inceptum* sed ubi plerum- 
que noctis processit, obscuro etiam tum lumine milites 
Iugurthini sjgno dato castra hostium invadunt, semisomnot 
partim afios arma sumentis fiigant funduntque. Adherbal 

. cnm pancis equitibus Cirtam profagit et ni multitudo toga- 

jotorum fiusset, quae Numidas insequentis moenibus prohibuit, 
uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum 

% foret - (gitur Iugurtha oppidnm drcumsedit, vineis turri- 8 
bosque et machinis omnium generum expugnare adgre- 



v^ 



M 



21-28. de bello iugurthino. 107 

ditar, mainme festinans tempus legatoram antecapere, quoa 
ante prodium fy fltu 1 ! ! ab Adberbale Rflmam mistfts andi- 
verat . ** 

4 Sed postquam senatus de bello eomm accepit, ttea adules- 
centes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus j 
populique Romani verbis nuntient velle et censere eos ab 
armis discedere, de controvorsus sois iure potins quam bello 
disceptare: ita seque illisque dignum esse. 22. legati in 
Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis quod Romae, dum 
proficisci parant, de proelio facto et oppugnatkme Cirtaeio 

2 audiebatur : sed is rumor clemens erat quoram Iugurtba 
accepta oratione respondit sibi neque maius quicquam neque 



carius auctoritate senatus esse : ab adulescentia ita se enisum 
ut ab optumo quoque probaretur : virtute, non malitia P. Sci- 
pioni summo viro placuisse; ob easdem artis a Micipsa non 15 
S penuria liberorum in regnum adoptatum esse. ceterum quo 
plura bene atque strenue fedsset, eo animnm suum inimiam 



4minus tolerare. Adberbalem dolis vitae suae insidiatum; 



quod ubt conperisset, sceleri eius obviam isse. populum 
Romanum neque recte neque pro bono facturum, si ab iure ao , 
gentium sese prohibuerit postremo de omnibus rebus le- 
gatos Romam brevi missurum. ita utrique digrediuntur. 

5 Adherbali8 appellandi copia non fiiit 28. Iugurtha ubi eos 
Africa decessisse ratus est, neque propter loci natuiam Cirtam 
armis expugnare potest, vallo atque fossa moenia drcumdat, *$ 
turris eztruit easque praesidiis firmat, praeterea dies noctis- 
que aut per vim aut dolis temptare, defensoribus moenium ^ 
praemia modo modo formidinem ostentare, suos hortando 

2ad ' tutem arrigere, prorsus intentus cuncta parare. Ad- 
herbal ubi intellegit omnis suas fortunas in extremo sitas,so 
hostem infestum, auxili spem nullam, penuria rerum neces- 
sariarum bellum non trahi posse, ex eis qui una Cirtam 
profugerant duos maxnmir inpigios delegit eos mulu pol- 



Io8 C. SALLUSTI CXISPI 28-25. 

licendo ac miserando casum suum confinnat uti per hostium 
munitiones noctu ad proxumum mare, dein Romam per- 
gerent 24. Numidae paucis diebus iussa efficiunt litterae 
Adherbalis in senatu rcdtatae, quarum sententia haec fiilt 
$ 'Non mea culpa taepe ad vos oratum mitto, patres con- l 
scripti, sed via lugurthae subigit, quem tanta lubido ex- 
tinguendi me invasit, ut neque vos neque deos inmortalis 
in animo habeat, sanguinem meum quam omnia malit ita- 8 
que quintnm iam mensem sodus et amicus populi Romani 

loarmis obsessus teneor, neque mihi Micipsae patris mei 
benificia neque vostra decreta auxiliantur; ferro an fiune 
acrius urgear Sncertus sum. plura de Iugurtha scribere* 
dehortatur me fortuna mea. etiam antea expertus sum 
parum fidei miseris esse. nisi tamen inteDego illum supra 5 

isquam ego sum petere neque simul amidtiam vostram et 
regnum meum sperare. utrum gravius existumet, nemini 
occultum est nam initio occidit Hiempsalem fratreme 
meum, deinde patrio regno me expulit quae sane fuerint 
nostrae iniuriae, nihil ad vos. verum nunc vostrum reg-7 

sonum annis tenet, me, quem vos imperatorem Numidis po- 
suistis, clausum obsidet : legatorum verba quanti fecerit, peri- 
cula mea declarant quid est reHquom nisi vis vostra, quo 8 
moveri possit ? nam ego quidem vellem et haec quae scribo 
et flh quae antea in senatu questus sum vana forent pothis 

s$quam miseria mea fidem verbis faceret sed quoniam eo 10 
natus sum, ut Iugurthae scderum ostentui essem, non iam 
mortem neque aenimnaa» tantum modo inimid imperium et 
cradatns corporis deprecor. regno Numidiae, quod vostpim 
est, uti lubet consulite : me manibus inpiis eriphe, per maies* 

sotatem imperi, per amidtiae fidem, ri uDa apud vos memoria 
remanet avi md Masinissae/ 

28. His litteris redtatis fuere, qui exerdtum in Afiricam 
miuu nd u m censerent et quam primum AdherbaK subveni- 






95-26. DE BELLO IUGURTHINO. 109 

undum, de Iugurtha interim uti consuleretur, quoniam legatis 
t non paruisset sed ab eisdem illis regia fantoriboa aununa 
a ope enisum est ne tale decretum fieret ita bonum publicum, 

4 ut in plerisque negodis solet, privata gratia devictum. legan- 
tur tamen in Africam maioiea natu nobiles» amplis honoribuss 
usL in quis fiiit M. Scauras, de quo snpra memoravimus, 

5 consularis et tum senatus princeps. ei, qnod res in invidia 
erat, simul et ab Numidia obsecratL triduo navim ascendere. 
dein brevi Uticam adpulst litteras ad Iugurtham mittnnt, 
quam ocissume ad provindam adcedat seque ad eum abio 

esenatu missos. iDe ubi accepit homines claros, quorum 
auctoritatem Romae pollere audiverat, contra inceptum suum 
venisse» primo conmotus metu atque lubidine divorsua agita- 

7batur. timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis: porro 

8 animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebatur. vidt n$ 

9 tamen in avido ingenio pravom consilium. igitur ezerdtu . 
circumdato summa vi Cirtam inrumpere nititur, maxume 
sperans, diducta mann hosdnm aut vi aut dolis sese casum u 

lovictoriae inventurum. quod ubi secus procedit neque quod 
intenderat efficere potest, ut prius quam legatos conveniretso 
Adherbalis potiretur, ne amplius morando Scaurum quem 
plurumum metuebat incenderet, cum pauds equidbus in pro- 

U vinciam venit ac tametsi senati verbis graves minae nuntia- 
bantur, quod ab oppugnatione non desisteret, multa tamen 
oratione consumpu legati frustra discessere. 26. ea post- 1$ " 
quam Cirtae audita sunt, Italici, quorom virtute moenia 
defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitndinem 
populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent ud' 
seque et oppidum Iugurthae tradat, tantum ab eo vitam 

npacisgu^ir, de ceteris senatui curae fore. at ifle, tametsijo 
omnia potiora fide Iugurthae rebatur, tamen quia penes 
eoedem, si advorsaretur, cpgundi potestas erat, ita uti cen- 

a suerant Italici deditionem £acit. Iugurtha in primis Adber- 



t» 

• 



IIO C SALLUSTl CRISPl N 26-28. 

balem excrudatum necat, deinde omnis puberes Numidas 
atqne negotiatores promiscue, nti quisque armatus obvius 
fuerat, interfidt 
27. Quod postquam Romae cognitum est et res in senatu 

gagitari coepta, idem illi ministri regia interpellando ac saepe 
gratia, interdum iurgiis trahundo tempus, atrodtatem factt 
kniebant ac ni C Memmius tribunus plebis designatus, i 
vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis, populum Romanum 
edocuisset id agi ut per paucos factiosos Iugurthae scelus 

locondonaretur, profecto omnis invidia prolatandis consultatio- 
nibus dilapsa foret: tanta vis gratiae atque pecuniae regis 
erat sed ufai senatus delicti conscientia populum timet, lege S 
Sempronia provinciae fiituris consulibus Numidia atque Italia 
decrctae, consules declarati P. Sdpio Nasica L. Bestia : Cal- 4 

ijpurnio Numidia Scipioni Italia obvenit deinde exerdtuss 
qri in Africam portaretur scribitur, stipendhim aliaque quae 
bello usui forent decernuntur. 28. at Iugurtha, contra spem 
nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venum ire in animo 
haeserat, filium et cum eo duos familiaris ad senatum legatos 

somittit eisque uti Qlis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat, 
praedpit omnis mortalis pecunia aggrediantur. qui post- s 
quam Romam adventabant, senatus a Bestia consultus est 
placeretne legatos Iugurthae recipi xnoenibus, eique decre- 
vere, nisi regnum ipsumque deditum venissent, uti in diebus 

•Sproxumis decem ItaKa decederent consul Numidis ez sena- % 
tus decreto nuntiari iubet: ita infectis rebus illi domum 
discedunt interim Calpurnius parato exerdtu legat sibi4 
homines nobOis factiosos, quorum auctoritate quae deli- 
quisset munita fore sperabot in quis fuit Scanrus, cuius 

jode.natura et habitn supra memoravimus. nam in consule 5 
nosbo multae bonaeque artes et animi et corporis erant, 
qnas omnis avaritia pracpedkbat: patiens laborum, acri in- 
genio, satis providens, befli hand ignarus, firmissumus contra 



\.v ..V 



98-30. DB BELLO lUGURTBIMk III 

6 pericula et insidias. sed legiones per Italiam Regram atque 

7 inde SicHiam, porro ez Sidlia in Africam transvectae. igitur 
Calpurnius initio paratis commeatibus acriter Numidiam in- 
gressus est multosque mortalis et urbis aSquot pugnando 
cepit 29. sed ubl Iugurtha per kgatos pecunia temptare J 
bellique quod admtnistrabat asperitatem ostendere coepit, 

S animus aeger avariua facOe convorsus est ceterum sodus 
et administer omnium oonsiliorum adsnmitnr Scaurus, qui 
tametsi a principio plerisque ex factione eius oonruptis aoer- 
nune regem inpugnaverat, tamen magnitndine pecuniae ato 

abono honestoque in pravom abstractus est sed Iugurtba 
primum tantum modo beHi moram redimebat, ezistumans 
sese aliquid interim Romae predo aut gratia effecturunt 
postea vero quam participem negoti Scaurum acceptt, in 
mazumam spem adductus recuperandae pads, statuit cumi| 

4 eis de omnibus pactionibus praesens agere. ceterum interea 
fidd causa mittitur a consule Seztius quaestor in oppidum 
Iugurthae Vagam. cuius rd spedes erat acceptio frumenti, 
quod Calpumius palam legatis imperaverat, quoniam dedi- 

5 tionis mora indutiae agitabantur. igitur rex, uti constituerat, so 
ih castra venit ac pauca praesenti consilio locutus de invidia 
facti sui atque uti in deditionem actiperetur, rdiqua cum 
Bestia et Scauzo secreta transigit dein postero die quasi 

e per saturam sententiis ezquidtis in deditionem acdpitur. sed 4 
nti pro consQio imperatum erat, ekpbanti triginta, pecuss$ 
atque equi multi cum parvo argenti pondere quaestori tra- 

7 duntur. Calpurnius Romam ad magistratus rogandos pro- 
fi cisdtur. in Numidia et ezerdtn nostro pax agitabatur* 

30. Postquam res in Afirica gestas quoque modo actae 
forent fiuna divolgavit, Romae per omnis locos et oonventus jo 
de facto consuKs agitari. apud plebem gravis invidia, patres 
sollidti erant probarentne tantum flagitium an decretum 

aconsulis subvortcrent parum constabat ac mamme eoa 




119 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI S0-3L 



potentia Scauri, quod is anctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, 
a vero bonoque inpediebat at C. Memmius, cuius de liber- s 
tate ingeni et odio potentiae nobilitatia supra diximus, inter 
dubttationem et moras senatus contionibus populum ad vin- 
jdicandum hortari, monere ne rem publicam, ne libertatem 
soam desererent, multa superba et crudelia facinora nobi- 
i litatis ostendere ; prorsus intentus omni modo plebis animum 

, incendebat sed quoniam ea tempestate Romae Memmii 

i facundia daia poilensque fiut, decere existumavi unam ex . 

lotam multis oiationem eius perscribere ac potissumum ea 

dicam, quae in contione post reditum Bestiae huiuscemodi 

verbis disseruit 

^ SL 'Multa me dehortantor a vobis, Quirites, ni studium 

rei publicae omnia supeiet: opes factionis, vostra patientia, 

ijins nullum, ac maxume quod innocentiae plus periculi quam 
honoris est nam iHa quidem piget dicere, his annis quin- a 
dedm quam ludibrio fueritis superbiae paucorum, quam foede 
quamque innlti perierint vostri defensores, ut vobis animus ab 
ignavia atque socordia conruptus sit, qui ne nunc quidem ob- 8 

sonoziis inimicis exurgitis atque etiam nunc timetis eos, quibus 
decet terrori esse. sed quamquam haec talia sunt, tamen* 
obviam ire factionis potentiae animus subigit certe ego6 
fibertatem, quae mihi a parente meo tradita est, experiar, 
verum id frustra an ob rem faciam, in vostra manu situm 

sjest, Quirites. neque ego vos hortor, quod saepe maiorese 
vostri fecere, uti contra iniurias armati eatis: nihil vi, nihil 
secessjone opus est necesse est suomet ipd more prae- 
ctpites eant ocdso TL Graccho, quem regnum parare7 
ttfbant, in p lfb f"! Romanam quaestiones ha bit flf sunt 

jopost C Gracchi et M. Fulvi caedem item vostri ordinis 
mqiti nu^rtmi+§. tn carcfTft ncrati sunt utrfatSQUft c^^ift non 
lex verum hbido eomm finem fecit sed sane fuerit regnis 
pa ra tift plfbi sua restitucre* quidquid y*** sanguine civium - 



v 



8L DS BRLLO IUGURTBINO. iij \ 

• uldsd neqritnr, fane iactum sit superioribus annil tadti 
indjgnahamtni aerarium expilari, regea et populos liberoa- 
panda nofailibua vectigal pendere, penea eosdem et sum- 
mam gloriam et maTumas divitiaa esse. tamen haec talia 
fednora inpune suscepisse pamm habuere itaque postremofv , 
leges, maiestaa vostra, divina et humana omnia bostibus 

10 tradita sunt neque eos, qui ea fecere, pudet aut paenitet, 
sed incedunt per ora vostra magnifici, sacerdotia et consu- 
latus, para triumphos suos ostentantea: proinde quaai ea 

uhonori non praedae habeant aervi aere parati iniusta im-io 
peria dominorum non perfenmt, vos, Quirites, in imperio 

lanati, aequo animo aervitutem toleratis? at qui sunt ei, qui^ 
rem publicam occupavere ? hominea scderatissumi, cruentia 
manibus, immani avaritia, nocentissumi et ddem superbis- 
sumi, quibus fides decus pietas, postremo honesta atqueis 

ISinhonesta omnia quaestui sunt para eorum ocridisse tri- 
bunoa plebis alii quaestiones iniustaa plerique caedem in voa 

U fedsse pro munimento habent ita quam quisque pessume y 
fedt tam maxume tutiis est metum ab scdere suo ad 
ignaviam vostram transtulere, quos omnis eadem cupere ea- to 

16 dem odisse eadem metuere in unum coegit sed haec intec 

16 bonos amidtia inter malos factio est quodsi tam voa liber* 
tatia curam haberetia quam illi ad dominationem accensi 
sunt, profecto neque res publica, sicuti nunc, vastaretur et 
hftwififo vostra penea optumos non andadssumoa forentaj 

17 maioria vostri parandi iuris et maiestatia constituendae gratia 
bia per secessionem armati Aventinnm occupavere. voa pro 
libertate, quam ab Hlis accepistis, nonne summa ope nite- 
mini? atque eo vehementius, quo maius dedecua est parta 

lSamittere quam omnino non paravisse. dicet aliquia "quidjo 
igitur censes? vindicandum in eoa.qui hosti prodidere rem 
publicam/* non manu neque vi, quod magia vos fedsse 
quam illts acddisso i w ^fg ' ni w cst, y g fHf » qufl^st fo^foffl f et 

I 



i 



) 



f 




114 C SALLVSTJ CRISPI 3L 

indicio ipslus Iugurthae. qui si dediticras est, profccto iussis 10 
vostris oboediens erit, sin ea contemnit, scUicet existumabitis, 
quafis illa pax aut deditio sit, ez qua ad Ingurtham scderum 
imptmitas, ad paucos potentia maxumae divitiae, ad rem 
&pubticam damna atque dedecora pervenerint nid forte non- 90 
dum etiam vos dominationis eorum satietas tenet et illa quam 

j 7 / haec tempora magis placent, cum regna provinciae leges iura 

iudicia bella atque paces, postremo divina et humana omnia 

penea pancos erant, vos autem, hoc est popuhis Romanus, 

loinvkti ab hostibus, imperatores omnium genthun satis habe- 

batis animam retinere: nam servitutem quidem quis vostrum 

I recusare audebat ? atque ego 9 tametsi viro flagitiosissumum Si 

r ezistumo inpune iniuriam accepisse, tamen vos hominibus 

sceleratissumis ignoscere, quoniam dves sunt, aequo animo 

\ ispaterer, ni misericordia in pernidem casura esset. nam et at 

iffis, quantnm importunitatis habent, parum est inpune male 
fedsse, nisi deinde fadundi licentia eripitur, et vobis aeterna 
soll i d t n do remancbit, cum intellegetis aut serviundum esse 
ant per manus libertatem retinendam. nam fidd quidemaa 
soant concordiae quae spes est? dominarf iQi volunt vos liberi 
esse, facere Qli iniurias vos prohibere, postremo sociis nostris 
velnti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur. potestne in tam 84 
divofsis mentibus paz aut amidtia esse? qua re moneo hor- as 
torque vos ne tantnm scelus inpunitum omittatis. non pecu- 
sjbtns aerari factus est neque per vim sodis eieptae pecuniae, ' 
quae quamqnam giavia sunt, tamen consuetudine iam pro 
nflnlo habentur. hosti acerrumo prodita senatus auctoritas, 
ptoditmn imperium vostrum est: domi miflriacqne res publica 
venaEs firiL quae nisi quaesita erunt, nisi vindicatum inaa 
jonoxioe, qdd erit relicum, nisi ut fllis, qui ea fecere, oboe- 
dientes vfaramns? nam impune quae hibet facere, id est 
regem esse. neque ego vos, Quirites, hortor nt malitis dvis S7 
vostros perperam quam itcte fedsse, sed ne ignoscundo 



\ 



* 

4 



81-38. DR BELLO IUGURTHINO. 115 



tsmalia bonos pcrditum eatis. ad hoc in re publica multo 
praestat benifid quam malifici inmemorem esse. bonua 
tantnm modo segnior fit, nbi neglegas, at malus inprobior. 

ta ad hoc 8i iniuriae non sint, haud saepe auzili egeaa/ 

82. Haec atque alia huiuscemodi aaepe in • • . dicendo* 
Memmiua populo persuadet uti L. Cassius» qui tum praetor 
erat, ad Iugurtham mitteretur eumque interposita fide publica 
Romam duceret, quo facilius indicio regis Scauri et reliquo- 
rum, quos pecuniae captae accersebat» delicta patefierent 

% dum haec Romae gerunlur, qui in Numidia relicti a Bestia io 
exercitui praeerant secuti morem imperatoris sui pluruma et 

5 flagitiosissuma facinora fecere. fiiere, qui auro conrupti ele* 
phantos Iugurthae tradercnt, alii perfugas vendere, pars ex 

4 pacatia praedas agebant : tanta vis avaritiae in animos eoram * 

6 veluti tabes invaserat at Cassius praetor perlata rogatione t$ 
a C Memmiio ac perculsa omni nobilitate ad Iugurtham pro-' 
fidsdtur eique timido et ex conscientia diffidenti rebus suis* 
persuadet, quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam' 
misericordiam eius experiri mallet privatim praeterea fidem ' 
suam interponit, quam ille non minoria quam publicam du- so 
cebat: talis ea tempestate fama de Cassio erat 83. igitur 
Iugurtha contra decus regium cultu quam maxume miserabfli ' 

8 cum Cassio Romam venit ac tatnetsi in ipso magna vis 
animi erat, confirmatus ab omnibus» quorum potentia aut 
scelere cuncta ea gesserat, quae supra diximus, C Baebium tf 
tribunum plebis magna mercede parat, cuius inpudentia 

a contra ius et iniurias omnis munitus foret at C Memtnius' 
advocata contione, quamquam regi infesta plebes erat et para 
in vincula duci iubebat, pars, nisi socios sceleris sni aperiret, 
more maiorum de hoste supplidum sumi, dignitati quam irae jo 
magis cpnsulens sedare motus et animos eoram mollire, po- 
stxemo confirmare, fidem publicam per sese inviolatam fore. 

4post, ubi silentium coepit, producto Iugurtha verba fcdt, 

li 



V 



zio* . C SALLUSTI CXISPI 83-80. 

Romae Numidiaeque facinora eiua memorat, scclera in 
patrem fratresque ostendit quibus iuvantibus quibusque 
ministris ea egerit quamquam intellegat populus Romanus, 
tamen veDe manifesta magia ez fllo habere. ri verum aperiat, 

$ in fide et. clementia populi Romani magnam spem ilH utym, 
sin reticeat, non sociis saluti fore sed se suasque spes con- 
rupturum. 84. deinde nbi Memmius dicundi finem fedt et 
Iugurtha respondere hissus est, C Baebios tribunus plebis 
quem pecunia conruptum supra dizimus» regem tacere iubet, 

aoac tunetsi multitudo, quae in contione aderat, vehementer 
accensa terrebat eum clamore voltu, saepe inpetu atque aliis 
omnibus quae ira fieri amat, vidt tamen inpudentia. itai 
popuhis ludibrio habitus ez contbne discedit, Iugurthae 
Bestiaeque et ceteris, quos iHa quaesub exagitabat, animi 

iiaugescunt 

85. Eret ea tempestate Romae Numida quidam nomine 
Massiva, Gulussae filhis Masinissae nepos, qui quia in dis- 
sensjone regum Iugurthae advorsus fuerat, dedita Cirta et 
Adherbale interfecto profugus ez patria abierat huic Sp. a 

soAIbinus, qui prozumo anno post Bestiam cum Q. Minudp 
Rufo consulatum gerebat, persuadet, quoniam ez stirpe 
Masinissae sjt Iugurthamque ob scdera invidia cum metu 
urgeat, regnum Numidiae ab senatu petat avidus consul 8 
belli genmdi mbveie quam senescere omnia msiebat ipsi 

jfprovincia Numidia Minudo Macedonia evenerat quae post* 4 
quam Massiva agitare coepit neque Iugurthae in amicis satis 
praesidi est, quod eoram alium consdentia alium mala fiuna ; 
et thnor inpediebat, Bomilcari prozumo ac mazume fido sibi 
Jmperat, pretio, sjcuti multa confecerat, insidiatores Massivae 

joparet, ac maxume occulte, sin id parum procedat, quovis 
modo Numidam interficiat Bomilcar matnre regis man«g 
data ezequitur et per bomines talis negoti artifices itinera 
tgrtssus qoe eius, postremo loca atque tempora cwrnrta ez- 



35-37. DE BELLO WGURTHINO. 117 

* plorat ' deinde, ubi res postulabat, insidias tendit igitur- 
nnus ez eo nmncro, qui ad caedem parati erant, paulo in- 
consultius Massivam aggreditur: illum obtruncat, sed ipse 
deprehensus» multis hortantibua et in primis Albino consule, 

7 indicium profitetur. fit reus magis ez aequo bonoque quam $ 
ez iure gentium Bomilcar, eomet eius qui Romam fide 

• publica venerat at Iugurtha manufestus tanti sceleris non 
prins omisit contra verum nid, quam animum advortit supra 

ogratiam atque pecuniam suam invidiam fecti esse. igitur 
quamquam in priore actione ez amids quinquaginta vadetio 
dederat, regno magis quam vadibus consulens clam in Numi- 
diam Bomilcarem dimittit, veritus ne reliquos popularis metus - v 

invaderet parendi sibi, si de illo supplicium sumptum foret- 
et ipse paucis diebus eodem profectus est, iussus a senatu 
lOltalia decedere. sed postquam Roma egressus est, ferturij ") /f 
saepe eo tadtus respidens postremo dizisse urbem venalem S # • 
et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit 

86. Interim Albinus renovato bello conmeatum stipendium 
aliaque, quae militibus usui forent, maturat in Afiricam por- 
tare : ac statim ipse profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus so 
haud longe aberat, annis aut deditione aut quovis modo 

S bellum conficeret at contra Iugurtha trahere omnia et alias 
deinde alias morae causas facere, polliceri deditionem ac 
deinde metum simulare, cedere instanti et paulo post, ne sui 
diffiderent, instare : ita belli modo modo pacis mora consulem t( 

3 ludificare. ac fuere qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consfli 
regis existumarent, neque ez tanta properantia tam tacfle * 

4tractum bdlum socordia magis quam dob crederent sed 
postquam dDapso tempore comitiorum dies adventabat, AIM- 
nus Aulo fratre in castris pro praetore relicto Romam deces- 30 
eit. 87. ea tempestate Romae seditionibus tribunidis atrodter 

9 res publica agitabatur. P.LucuHusetL. Annhis, tribuni piebis 
resistentibus conlegis continuare magistratdm nitebantnr, quae 



Il8 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 87-38. 



i 



f dissensio totius anni comitia impediebat ea mora in spem 8 

{ addnctos Auras, quem pro praetore in castris relictnm supra 

j diximus, ant conficxundi beili aut tenore exercitus ab rege 

i pecuniae capiundae, milites mense Ianuario ex hibernis in 

$ expeditionem evocat magnisque itineribus hieme aspera per- 
venit ad oppidum Suthul, ubi regis thesauri erant quodi 
quamquam et saevitia temporis et opportunitate loci neque 
capi neque obsideri poterat— nam circum murum situm in 
praerupti montis eztremo planities limosa hiemalibus aquis 
lopaludem fecerat — tamen aut simulandi gratia, quo regi for- 
midinem adderet, aut cupidine caecus ob thesauros oppidi 
potiundi, vineas agere, aggerem iacere, aliaque quae incepto 
usui forent properare. 88. at Iugurtha cognita vanitate atqua 
inperitia legati subdole eius augere amentiam, missitare sup- 
i| plicantis legatos, ipse quasi vitabundus per saltuosa loca et 
tiamites exercitum ductare. denique Auhim spe pactionisS 
perpuKt, uti relicto Suthule in abditas regiones sese veluti 
cedentem insequeretur : ita delicta occuldora fiiere. interea 8 
per homines caDidos diu noctuque exercitum temptabat, cen- 
•oturiones ducesque turmarum partim uti transfugerent con- 
rumpere, alii signo dato locum ud desererent quae postquam 4 
ex sententia instruit, intempesta nocte de inproviso multitudine . 
Numidarum Auli castra drcumvenit milites Romani percuM 5 
tumultu inaolito arma capere alii alii se abdere, pars territos 
%% confinnare, trepidare omnibus locis. vis magna hostium, 
caehnn nocte atque nubibus obscuratum, periculum anceps, 
postremo fiigere an manere tutius foret, in incerto erat sed 6 
ex eo numero, quos panlo ante conruptos diximus, cohors 
una Ligurum cum duabus turmls Thracum et paucis giegariis 
jemOitibus transieie ad regem, et centurio primi pOi tertiae 
legionis per munitionem, quam ud defenderet acceperat, locum 
hostibus introeundi dedit efcquo Numidae cuncti inrupere. 
Mstri foeda fqga, pkrique abiectis armis, proxumum collem 7 



V 



88-40. DR BBLLO IUGURTHIN0. 119 

8occupavenmt nox atque praeda castrorum hostis, quo 

8minus victoria uterentqr, rtmorata sunt deinde Iugurtha 
postero die cum Aulo in conloquk) verba fadt tametsi ipsum 
cum exerdtu famc et ferro clausum teneret, tamen ae memo- 
rem humananim rerum, ai aecum foedus faceret, incolumiss 
omnis sub tugum missurum. praeterea uti diebus decem 
10 Numidia decederet quae quamquam gravia et flagiti plena 
erant, tamen quia mortis metu mutabantur,sicuti regi lubuerat 
pax convenit 

80. Sed ubi ea Romae comperta sunt, metus atque maeror 10 
dvitatem invasere. pars dolere pro gloria imperi, pars inao- 
lita rerum bellicarum timere libertati, Aulo omnes infesti ac' 
maxume qui bello saepe praeclari fuerant, quod armatus - 

8 dedecore potius quam manu salutem quaesiverat ob ea con- ' 
sul Albinus ex delicto fratris invidiam ac deinde periculum i| 
timens senatum de foedere consukbat et tamen interim ' 
exerdtui supplementum scribere, ab sociis et nomine Latino ' 

8 auxilia accersere, denique omnibus modis festinaie. senatus . 
ita uti par fuerat decernit suo atque populi iniussu nullum - 

4potuisse foedus fieri. consul imoeditus a tribunis plebis, nese 
quas paraverat copias secum portaret, pauds diebus in Afri- 
cam profidscitur: nam omnis exerdtus, ud convenerat, 

8 Numidia deductus in provincia hiemabat postquam eo venit, ' 
quamquam persequi Iugurtham et mederi fraternae invidiae - 
animo ardebat, cognids militibus, quos praeter fugam sohito »5 
imperio licentia atque lasdvia conruperat, ex copia rerum • 
statuit sibi nihil agitandum. 40. interim Romae C Mamilins * 
Limetanus tribunusplebis rogationem ad populum promulgat, 
uti quaereretur in eoa, quorum consQio Iugurtha senati decreta 
ncglegisset, qrique abeo in legationibus ant imperiis pecuniasjo 
accepissent, qui elephantos quique perfugaa tradidissent, item 

8 qui de paee aut beOo cum hostOms pa ct i on es fedssent huic * 
rogationi partim conscH sibi alii ex partinm invidia pericula 



¥. 



i 

J iao C. SALLUSTI CX2SPI 40-4L 

\ metuehtes, quoniam aperte resistere non poterant, quin Ola et 

| «fiataliaplacere sibi faterentur,occulte per amicos ac maxumo 

\ perbominesnominislAtinietsodosItaUcosinpedimentapara- 

bant aed plebes incredibQe memoratu est quam intenta fiierit s 
j jquantaque vi rogationem iusserit, magis odio nobflitatis cni 

t mala illa paiabantur, quam cura reipublicae: tanta lubido in 

partibus erat igitur ceteris metu perculsis M. Scaurus, quem 4 
legatum Bestiae fuisse supra docuimus, inter laetitiam plebis 
et suorum fugam, trepida etiam tum civitate cum ex Mamilia 
sorogatione tres quaesitores rogarentur, effecerat uti ipee in eo 
numero crearetur. sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque 6 
cx rumore et lubidine plebis. ut saepe nobilitatem, sic ea 
tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat 
4L Ceterum mos partium popularium et factionum ac 
•ijdeinde omninm malanwn artium paucis ante annis Romae 
ortus est otio atque abundantia earum rerum, quae prima 
mortales ducunt nam ante Carthaginem deletam populus et % 
senatus Romanus placide modesteque inter se rem publicam 
tractabant, neque gloriae neque dominationis certamen inter 
sorivis emt : metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat 
sed ubi Ola formido mentibus decessit, scilicet ea, quae res 8 
. secundae amant, lascivia atque superbia incessere. ita quod 4 
in advorsis rebus optaverant otium postquam adepti sunt, 
asperius acerbiusqne fiiit namque coepere nobflitas dignita- 6 
sjtem populus libertatem in lubidinem vortere, sibi quisque 
duoere trahere mpeie. ita omnia in duas partis abstracta 
sunt, res publica, quae media fuerat^ riilacerata. oeterume 
nobQitas factione magis pollebat, plebis vif solnta atque 
dispersa in multitudine minus poterat paucorum arbitrio7 
jebeifi domique agitabatur, penes eosdem aeiarium provinciae 
magistratus gloriae triumphique erant : popuhis militia atque 
jnqpia urgebatur, praedas bellicas imperatores cum pancis 
dtripiebant interea parentes aut parvi liberi rnOitum, uti quis- 8 



V 



41-4& DB BSLLO IUGURTHINO. isi 

que potentbri confinis erat, sedibus pettebantur. ita cnm * 
potentia avaritia sine modo modestiaque invadere, polluere 

et vastare omnia, nihil pensi neqne sancti habere, quoad u ' 
losemet ipsa praedpitavit nam nbi primnm ex nobflitate 
reperti sont qni veram gloriam ininstae potentiae antepone-s 
rent, moveri ciyjtas et dissensio civilis quasi penniztio tenae 
oriri coepitv/42. nam postqnam TL et G Gracchus, quorum 
maiores Punico atque aliis bellia multum rei publicae addide- 
rant, vindicare plebem in Hbertatem et paucorum scelera 
patefacere coepere, nobilitas nozia atque eo perculsa modo 10 
per sodos ac nomen Latinum, interdum per equites Romanos, 
quos spes societatis a plebe dimoverat, Gracchorum actionibus 
obviam ierat, et primo Tiberium, dein paucos post annos 
: eadem ingredientem Gaium, tribunum alterum alterum tri- 
umvirum coloniis deducundis, cum M, Fulvio Flacco ferro 15 

1 necaverat et sane Gracchis cupidine victoriae haud satis 

8 moderatus animus fuit sed bono vind satius est quam malo * 

4 more inhiriam vincere. igitur ea victoria nobilitas ex hiW- 
dine sua usa multos mortalis ferro aut fuga extinxit plusque 

' in relicum sibi timoris quam potentiae addidit quae resso 
plerumque magnas dvitads pessum dedit, dum alteri alteros 

6 vincere quovis modo et victos acerbius uldsd voront sed de 
studiis partium et omnis dvitatis moribus si singQlatim ant 
pro magnitndine parem disserere, tempus quam res maturius 
me deserat . quam ob rem ad inceptum redeo. 15 

43. Post Auli foedus ezercitusque nostri foedam fugam 
Metellus et Silanus consules designati provindas inter se 
partiverant Metejloque Numidia evenerat, acri viro et quam- 
quam advorso popuii partium, fama tamen aeqnahili et in- 

8 violata. • is ubi primum magistratum ingressus est, alia omniaso 
sibi cum conlega ratus, ad bellum quod gesturus erat animum 

aintendit igitur diffidens veteri exercitui mOites scribere, 
piaesidia undique arcessere, arma tela equos et cetera in- 



I 



139 C SALLUSTl CRISPI «3-46. 

strumenta mifitiae parare, ad hoc conmeatum affatim, denique 
omnia quae.in bello vario et moltamm rerum egenti usui 
esse soknt oeterum ad ea patranda senatus anctoritate, 4 
sodi nomenque Latinum et reges ultro auzilia mittundo, 
ipostremo omnis dvitas summo studio adnitebatur. itaque* 
ez sententia omnibus rebus paratis conpositisque in Nu- 
midiam profidscitur, magna spe dvium, cum propter artis 

. bonas tnm mazume quod advorsum divitias invictum animum 
gerebat et avaritia magistratuum ante id tempus in Numidia 

lonostrae opes contusae hostiumque auctae erant 

44. Sed ubi in Afiicam venit, exerdtus d traditur a Sp. 
Albino proconsule iners inbellis, neque periculi neque laboris 
patiens» lingua quam manu promptior, praedator ez sodis et 
ipse praeda hostium, sine imperio et modestia habitus. ita 8 

sjimperatori novo plus ez malis moribus sollidtudinis quam 
ez copia militum anzili aut spei bonae adcedebat^/ statuit 3 
tamen MeteDus, quamquam et aestivorum tempus comitiorum 
mora inminuerat et ezpectatione eventus dvhim animos in- 
tentos putabat, non prius bellum attingere quam maiorum 

sodisdplina mOites laborare coegissetV nam Altfinus Auli fratris 4 
ezerdtusque clade perculsus, postquam decreverat non egredi 
provincia, quantum temporis aestivorum in imperio fuit, ple- 
mmque milites stattvis castris habebat, nisi cum odos aut 
pabuE egestas locum mutare subcgerat: sed neque munie- 6 

sibantur nequemoremilitari vigiliae deducebantur. uticuique 
lubebat, ab signis aberat Kzae permizti cum militibus diu 
noctuque vagabantnr et palantes agros vastare, villas ez- 
pugnare, pecoris et mantipiorum praedas certantes agere 
eaqoe mutare cum mercatoribus vino advecticio et aliis tali- 

jobu^ prae te rea fiumentum publice datum vendere, panem in 
dies mercari: postremo quaecumque did aut fingi queunt 
iguaviae luzuriaeqoe probra in UJo ezerdta cuncta fiiere et 
aha amplins. 45. sed in ca riifficultate Metcllum non minus 



V 



40-46. DR BBLLO IUGURTHJNO. 1*3 

qaam in rebus hostilibus magnum ct sapicntcm virmn ftusao 
compcrior: tanta temperantia inter ambitionem saevitiamquo 
8 moderatnm, namque edicto primum adimnenta ignaviae sus* 
tulisse, ne quisquam in castris panem ant quem aliom coctnm 
dbum venderet, ne lizae exercitum sequerentur, ne mOess 
gregarius m castris neve in agmine servom ant inmentusr 
haberet; ceterit arte modum statnissc. praeterea transvorsis 
itineribus cotidie castra movere, iuzta ac si hostes adessent- 
vallo atque fossa munire, vigilias crebras ponere et eas ipse 
cum legatis drcumire, item in agmine in primis modo modo 10 
in postremis, saepe in medio adesse, ne quispiam ordine 
egrcdetetur, ut cum signis frequentes incederent, mfles cibum • 

3 et arma portaxet ita prohibendo a delictis magis quam vin- 
dicando exergitum brevi confirmavit 

40. Interea Iugurtba ubi quae MeteDus agebat ez nuntSs 1$ 
accepit, simul de innocentia eius certior Roma factua, diffidere 
suis rebus ac tum demum veram deditionem facere conatus 

iest igitur legatos ad consulem cum suppficiis mittit, qui 
tantum modo ipsi liberisqne vitam peterent, alia omnia de- 

S derent populo Romano. sed Metello iam antea ezperimentisao 
cognitum emt genus Numidaram infidum, ingenio mobili, 

4 novanun rerum avidum essc itaque legatos alium ab alio 
dhrorsos aggxeditur ac paulatim temptando, postquam op- 
portunos sibi cognovit, multa pollicendo persuadet uti Iu- 
gurtham mazume vivom, rin id parum procedat, necatumts 
sibi traderent ceterum palam quae ez vohintate forent regi 

5 nuntiari iubet deinde ipse paucis diebus intento atque in- 
festo ezerdtn in Numidiam procedit, ubi contra belli fadem 
tuguria plena hominum, pecora cultoresque in agris erant 
ez oppidis et mapalibus praefecti regis obvii procedebantjo 
parati frumentum dare, conmeatum portare, postremo omnia 

equae imperarentor facere. neque Metellus iddrco minus, 
sed pariter ac si hostes adessent munito agmine inceder* 



l 



u 



114 •' C SALLUSTI CXISPI 40-48. 

late ezptorare omnia, aia deditionis signa ostentui ciedere et 
msidiis locum temptari. itaque ipse cum ezpeditis cohortibus, 7 
item ftmditorum et sagittariorum delecta manu apud primos ' 
erat, in postremo C. Marius legatus cum equitibus curabat, in 
jutrumque latus auxiliarios equites tribunis legionum et prae- 
fectb cohortium dispertiverat, ut cum eis permizti yelites, 
quocumque adcederent, equitatus hostium propulsarent nams 
in Iugurtha tantus dolus tantaque peritia locorum et militiae . 
erat, ut absens an praesens, pacem an bellum gerens per- 

lonkiosior esset, in incerto haberetur. 47. erat haud longe ab 
eo itinere, quo Metellus pergebat, oppidum Numidarum 
nomine Vaga, forum rerum venalium totius regni maxumc 
celebratum, ubi et incolere et mercari consueverant Italici 
generis multi mortales. huc consul simul temptandi gratia S 

iietsipaterentnr opportunitates lodpntesidium inposuit prae- , 
teiea imperavit frumentum et alia quae bello usui forent con- 
l poitare^ratus^id quodres monebat,n^quentiam negotiatorum 
et conmeatn iuvaturam ezercitum et iam paratis rebus muni- 
mento fore. inter haec negotia Iugurtha inpenshis modos 

solegatos supplices mittere, pacem orare, praeter suam libero- 
rumque vitam omnia Metello dedere. quos item uti priores 4 
consul inlectos ad proditionem domum dimittebat,regi pacem 
quam postulabat neque abnuere neque polliceri et inter eas 
V moras promissa legatorum ezpectare. 

•$ 48. Iugurtha ubi Metelli dicta cum factis conposuit ac se 
suis artibus temptaxi animadvortit, quippe cui verhis paz 
nuntiabatur, ceterum re betfum asperrumum erat, urbs 
mazuma alienata, ager hostibus cognitus, animi popularium 
temptati, coactus rerum necessitudine statuit annis certare. 

aoxgitur explorato hostium itinere in spem victoriae adductus ft 
cz opportunitate loci, quam maiumas potest oopias omnium 
generum parat ae per tiamitea occultos exercitum Metelli 
antevenit erat in ea parte Numidiae, quam Adherbal ing 



48-40. DR BSLLO IUGURTBIN0. 1*5 

divisione possederat, flumen oriens a meridie nomine Muthul, 
a quo aberat mons fenne milia passuum viginti tractu pari, 
vastus ab natura et humano cultu. scd ez eo medio quasi 
collis oricbatur, in inmensnm pertiqgens, vestitus oleastro ac 
murteds aliisque generibns arboram, quae humi arido atques; 

4 harenoao gignuntur. media autem planities deserta penuria 
aquae praeter flumini propinqua loca: ea consita arbusus 
pecore atque cultoribus fitquentabantur. 49. igitur in eo 
colle, quem transvorso itinere porrectum docuimus, Iugurtha v 
extenuata suorum acie consedit, dephantis et parti copiarum io 
pedestrium Bomilcarem pnefedt eumque edocet quae ageret 
ipse propior montem cum omni equitatu et pedidbus delectis 

5 suoe conlocat dein aingulas turmas et manipulos circumiens 
monet atque obtestatur uti memores pristinae virtutis et vic- . 
toriae aese regnumque suum ab Romanorum avaritia defen- 1 j 
dant: cum eis certamen fore, quos antea victos sub iugum 
miserint; ducem illis, non animum mutatum; quae ab im- 
peratore decuerint omnia suis provisa, locum superiorem, ut 
pradentes cum inperitis, ne pauciores cum pluribus aut rudes 

tcum beDi melioribus manum consererent: proinde paradso 
intentique essent signo dato Romanos inyadere; illum diem 
aut omnis labores et victorias confirmaturum aut maxumsrnm 

«aerumnarum initium fore. ad hoc viritim, uti quemque ob 
militare facinus pecunia aut bonore extulcrat, conrjQone&ccre 
benifici sui et eum ipsum aliis ostcntare, postremo pro cu- 1$ 
iusque ingenio pollicendo minitando obtestando alium alio 
modo ezdtare: cum interim Metellus, ignarus hostium, 

0monte degrediens cum exerdtu conspicatur, primo dubius 
quidnam insolita facies ostenderet— nam inter virgulta equi 
Numidaeque consederant neque plane occultati hnmilitate iq 
arborum et tamen incerti, quidnam esset, cum natura lod 
tum dolo ipsi atque sjgna militaria obscurati— ddn brevj . 

8 oognitis insidiis paulisper agmen cobstituit ibi conmutatis 



\ 



1*6 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 49-5L 



ordinibus in deztero lateit, quod prozumum hostis erat, 
triplicibua subsidiis aciem instruzit: inter manipulos fundi- 
tores et sagittarios dispertit, equitatum omnem in cornibus 
locat ac pauca.pro tempore milites hortatus aciem, sicuti 
IS jinstruzerat, transvorsis prindpiis in planum dedudt 60. sed 
ubi Numidas quietos neque coDe degredi animadvortit, veritus 
ez anni tempore et inopia aquae ne siti conficeretur ezerdtus, 
RutOium kgatum cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitum 
V praemisit ad flumen, uti locum castris antecaperet, ezistumans 

tohostis crebro impetn et transvorsis proeliis iter suum remo- 
raturos et, quoniam armis diffiderent, lassitudinem et sitim 
mOitum temptaturos. deinde ipse pro re atque loco sicuti S 
monte descenderat, paulatim procedere, Marium post prin- 
dpia habere, ipse cum sinistrae alae equitibus esse, qui in 

15 agmine prindpes focti erant at Iugurtha, ubi eztremum s. 
agmen MeteDi primos suos praetergressum videt, praesidio 
quasi duum milhim peditum montem occupat, qua Metellus 
descenderat, ne forte cedentibus advorsariis receptui ac post 
munimento foret dein repente signo dato hostis invadit 

soNumidae alii postremos caedere, pars a sinistra ac dextrai 
temptarc, infensi adesse atque instare, omnibus locis Ro- 
manorum ordines conturbare, quorum etiam qui firmioribus 
animis obvii hostibus fuerant, iudificati incerto proelio ipsi 
modo eminus sauciabantur neque contra feriundi aut con- 

sjsernndi manum copia erat: ante iam docti ab Iugurthaj 
equites, uhi Romanorum turma insequi coeperat, non con- 
fertim neque in unum sese recipiebant, sed alius alio quam 
mazume divorsL ita numero priores, si ab persequendoe 
hostis deterrere nequiverant, disiectos ab tergo aut lateribus 

y dr c umv cniebant; sin opportunior fugae collis quam campi 
fuerat, ea vero oonsueti Numidarum equi facOe inter virgulta 
evadere, nostros asperitas et insolentia lod retinebat 5L ce- 
teram facies todns negoti varia incerta foeda atqoe miserabilis. 



61-tfc 2>E BRLLO 1UGURTHIN0. 1*7 



dispersi a suis pars cedere aln insequi, neqne signa neqoe 
ordines observare, ubi quemque pericnlum eeperat ibi resit- 
tere ac propulsare, arma tela equi viri hostes atque dvea 
permixti, nM consilk) neque imperio agi, fors omnia regere. 
% itaque multum diei processerat, cum etiam tnm eventus in| 
• incerto erat denique omnibua labore et aestn languidia 
Metellus, ubi videt Numidaa minua instare, paulatim militea 
in unum condudt, ordines restituit et cohortia legionarias 
quattuor advoroum pedites hostium conlocat eorum magna 

4 pars auperioribus locia fessa consederat simul orare et hor-io 
tari milites ne deficerent neu paterentnr hostis fiigientis vin- 
cere; neque illis castra esse neque munimentum ullum, quo 

5 cedentes tenderent; in armis omnia sita. aed ne Iugurtha 
quidem interea quietua erat: circumire hortari, renovare* 
proelium et ipse cum delectis temptare omnia, aubvenire suis, 1$ 
hostibus dubiis instare, quoa firmoa cognoverat eminus pug- * 
nando retinere. 62. eo modo inter ae duo imperatores ' 
summi viri certabant, ipsi pares, ceterum opibus disparibus. 

gnaxn Metello virtus militum erat, locua advorsus, Iugurthae 
a alia omnia praeter nnlites opportuna. denique Romani, ubiso 
intellegunt neque sibi perfiigium esse neque ab hoste coptam 
pugnandi fieri— et iam die vesper erat — advorso colk, sicuti 
4 praeceptum fuerat, evadunt amisso loco Numidae fusi fiiga- \ 
tique. pauci interiere, plerosque velodtas et regio hostibua 
ignara tutata sunt a$ 

6 Interea Bomilcar, quem elephantis et parti copiarnm pede- 
Btrium praefectum ab. Iugurtha supra diximus, nbi eum 
Rutilius praetergressus est, paulatim suos in aequom locum 
dedndt ac dum legatua ad flumen, quo praemissus erat, 
festinans pergit, quietus, nti res postulabat, adem exornat,*o 

a neque remittit quid nbique hostis ageret explorare. post- 
quam Rutilium. consedisse iam eC animo vacnom accepit 
simuique es Iugurthae proelio damorem augeri, veritus ne 



s. 



/ 

138 C. SALLUSTl CRISPI 62-54. \ 

legatus cognita re laborantibus suis anzilio foret, adem qoam 
diffidens virtuti mDitum arte statuerat, quo bostium itineri 
officeret, latiua porrigit eoque modo ad Rutili castra procedit 
63. Romani ez inproviso pulveris vim magnam animad- 
I vortunt: nam prospectum ager arbustis consitus probibebat 
et primo rati humum aridam vento agitari, post ubi aequa- 
bikm manere et, sicuti ades movebatur, magis magisque 
adpropinquare vident, cognita re properantes arma capiunt 
ac pro castris, sicuti imperabatur, consistunt deinde, ubi S 

lopropius ventum est, utrimque magno clamore concurritur. 
Numidae tantum modo remorarj, dum in elephantis auxilium s 
putant, postquam eos inpeditos ramis arborum atque ita 
diaectos drcumveniri vident, fugam fadunt ac plerique ab- 
kctis armis coDis ant noctis quae iam aderat auzilio integri 

kfabeunt elepbanti quattuor capti, reliqui omnes numero4 
quadraginta interfecti. at Romani, quamquam itinere atque a 
opere castrorum et proelio fessi erant, tamen, quod Metellus 
amplius opinione morabatur, instructi intentique obviam pro- 
cedunt nam dolus Numidarum nihil languidi neque remissi a 

ao p a t i eb a tn r. ac primo obscura nocte, postquam haud procul 7 ' 
inter se erant, strepitn velut hostes adventare, alteri apud 
alteros formidinem stmul et tumultum facere et paene in«» 
prndentia admissnm facinus miserabile, ni ntrimque praemissi 
equites rem exploravissent igitur pro metu repente gaudium a 

tjmutatur, milites alius alium laeti appellant, acta edocent atque 

amdiunt, sna quisque fortia facta ad caelom fert quippe res 

humanae ita sese habent: in victoria vd ignavis gloriari licet, 

advorsae res etiam bonos detrectant 

64. MeteDus in dsdem castris quatriduo moratus saucios 

jocum cnra refidt, meritos in proefiis more militiae donat, 
mi vorso s in oontione landat atque agit grarjas, hortatur ad 
cetera, quae kvia sunt, parem animum gerant: pro victoria 
satis iam pqgnatnm, rdiquos labores pio praeda fore. tX% 






54-65. 2>B BBLLO IUGURTBINO. 129 

tamen interim transfugas et alios opportunos, Iugurtha nbi 
gentium aut quid agitaret, cum paudsne esset an ezercitum 
• haberet, ut sese victus gereret exploratum misiL at ille sese 
in loca saltuosa et natura munita receperat ibique cogebat 
exerdtum numero hominum ampliorem sed hebetem infir-r 

4 mumque, agri ac pecoris magis quam beDi cultorem. id ea 
gratta eveniebat, quod praeter regios equites nemo omnium 
Numida ex fuga regem sequitur: quo cuiusque animus fert» ' 
eo discedunt neque id flagitium mSitiae dudtur. ita se mores 
habent 10 

5 Igitur Metellus ubi videt regts etiam tum animum ferocem 
esse, belhun renovari, quod,nisi ex illius lubidine, geri non - 
posset, praeterea. inicum certamen sibi cum hostibus, minore 
detrimento illos vind quam suos vincere, statnit non proeliis 

6 neque in ade sed alio more bellum gerundum. itaque in 15 
loca Numidiae opulentissima pergit, agros vastat, multa 
casteUa et oppida temere munita aut sine praesidio capit 
incenditque, puberes interfid iubet, alia omnia milttum prae- 
dam esse. ea formidine multi mortales Romanis dediti ob- 
sides, frumentum et alia quae usui forent afFatim praebita, so 

7 ubicumque res postulabat praesidium inpositum. quae ne- 
gotia multo magis quam proelium male pugnatum ab suis 

S regem terrebant, quippe cuius spes omnis in fuga sita erat, L 
sequi cogebatur, et qui sua loca defendere nequiverat, in 

alienis bellum gerere. tamen ex copia quod optumum vide- sfc 
batur consilium capit, exercitum plerumque in dsdem locis 
opperiri iubet, ipse cum ddectis equitibus Metellum sequitur, 
nocturnis et aviis itineribus ignoratus Romanos palantis 
lOrepente aggreditur. eorum plerique inermes oadunt, multi 
capiuntur, nemo omnium intactus profugit, et Numidac,priua-30 
quam ex castris subveniretur, sicuti iussi erant» in proxumoa 
oollis discedunt 
55. Interim Romae gaudinm ingent ortum cognitis M*» 



130 . C SALLUSTl CRISPI $5-50. 

teDi rebus» ut seque et exercitum more maioram gereret, in 
advorso loco victor tamen virtute fuisset, hostium agro poti- 
retur, Iugurtham magnificum ex Albini socordia spem salutis 
in sotitudine aut fiiga coegisset habere. itaque senatus ob ea 2 
j felidter acta dis inmortalibus suppUda decernere, civitas tre- 
pida antea et sollidta de belli eventu laeta agere, de Metello 
£una praedara esse. igitur eo intentior ad victoriam niti, s 
oninibus modis festinare, cavere tamen necubi hosti oppor- 
tunus fieret, meminisse post gloriam invidtam sequL ita quo 4 

jodarior erat, eo magis anxius erat, neque post insidias Iugur- 
thae effuso exerdtu praedui ; ubi frumento aut p&bulo opus 
erat, cobortes cum omni equitam praeddium agitabant; ex- 
erdtos partem ipse, reliquos Marius ducebat sed igni magis 5 
quam praeda ager vastabatur. duobus locis haud longe inter 6 

.15 se castra faciebant ubi vi opus erat, cuncti aderant ceterum7 
quo fuga atque formido latius cresceret, divorsi agebant eo 8 
tempore Iugurtha per collis sequi, tempus aut locum pugnae 
quaerere, qua venturum bostem audierat, pabulum et aquarum 
fontis, quorum penuria erat, conrumpere, modo se Metello 

sointerdum Mario ostendere, postremos in agmine temptare ac 
statim in collis regredi, rursus aliis post aliis minitari, neque . 
proelium facere neque otium pati, tantum modo hostem ab 
incepto retmere. t 

56. Romanus imperator ubi se dolis fatigari videt neque 

9$ ab hoste cqpiam pugnandi fieri, urbem magnam et in ea parte 
qua sita erat arcem regni nomine Zamam statuit obpugnare 
ratus, id quod negotium poscebat, Iugurtham laborantibus 
suts anxUio venturum ibique prodium fore. at flle quae s 
parabantur a perfugis edoctus, magnis itineribus MeteUum 

joantevenit oppidaaos hortatur moenia defendant, additis 
auxOio perfugis, quod genns ex copiis regis, quia failere 
nequibat, firmissumum erat praeterea poUicetur in tempore 
cum exerdtu adfbre. ka conpositis rebus in loca.quam • 



66-S& DE BELLO IUGURTRINO. 131 

maxume occulta discedit ac post panlo cQgnoicit Marium ex 
itinere frumentatam cum pautis cohortibua Siccam tnissum, 
quod oppidum primum omnium post malam pognam ab rege 
tdefecerat eo cum delectis equitibus noctu pergit et iam 
egredientibus Romanis in porta pugnam fadt, simul magnaj 
voce Siccenses hortatur uti cohortis ab tergo drcumveniant; 
fortunam Ulis praeclari facinoris casum dare. si id fecerint, 
postea sese in regno, illos in libertate sine metu aetatem 

5 acturosi ac ni Marius signa inferre atque evadere oppido 
properavisset, profecto cuncti ant magna pars Stccensiumto 
fidem mutavissent: tanta mobQitate sese Numidae gerunt 

a sed milites Iugurthini paulisper ab rege sustentati, postquam ^** v 
maiore vi hostes urgent, pauds amissis profugi discedunt 
67. Marius ad Zamam pervenit id oppidum in campo 
situm magis opere quam natura munitum erat, nullius idoneae 15 

arei egens, armis virisque opulentum. igitur Metellus pro 
tempore atque loco paratis rebus cuncta moenia exercitu 

s circumvenit, legatis imperat ubi quisque curaxet deinde 
sxgno dato undique simul damor ingens oritur neque ea res 
Numidas terret: infensi intentique sine.tumultu manent,so 

4 proelium indpitur. Romani pro ingenio quisque pars eminua 
glande aut lapidibus pugnare, alii succedere ac murum modo ^l^ 
subfodere modo scalis aggredi, cupere prodium in manibus 

6 facere. contra ea oppidani in proxumos saxa votvere, sudes 
pila, praeterea picem sulphure et taeda mixtam axdentiasf 

6 mittere. sed ne illos quidem, qui procul manserant, timor 
animi satis muniverat nam plerosque iacula tormentis aut 
manu emissa volnerabant parique periculo sed fama inpari 
boni atque ignavi eiant 

58. Dum apud Zamam sic certatur, Iugurtha ex inproviso p 
castra bostium cum magna manu invadit, remissis qui in 
praesidio erant et omnia magis quam proelium expectantibus 

aportam inrumpit at nostri repentino metu percuki sibi 

18 • '. 



13« C SALLUSTI CRISPI 68-60. 

quisque pro moribus consulunt : alii fugere alii arma capere, 
magna pan volnerati aut occiri. ceterum ex oxnni multitu- S 
dine non amplius quadraginta memores nominis Romani 
grege facto loctxm cepere paulo quam alii editiorem neque 
S inde maiuma vi depelli quiverunt, aed tela eminus missa 
zemittece, paud in pluribua minus frustrari; sin Numidae . 
propius adcessissent, ibi vero virtutem ostendere et eos maz- 
uma vi caedere fundere atque fugare. interim Metelhis cum 4 
acenume rem geieret, damorem hostflem a tergo accepit, 
todein convorso equo animadvortit fugam ad se voxsum fieri: 
^ f quae res indicabat popularis esse. igitur equitatum omnem 6 
ad castra propere misit ac statim C. Marium cum cohortibus 
sociorum, eumque lacrumans per amicitiam perque rem pub- 
Hcam obsecrat, nequam contumeliam remanere in ezercitu 
I ifvictorc neve hostis inultos abire sinat iUe brevi mandata 

efficit at Iugurtha munimento castrorum inpeditus, cum alii 6 
super vallum praecipitarentur, alii in angusdis ipsi sibi pro« 
peiantes officerent, multis amissis in loca munita sese recepit 
Metellus infecto negotio, postquam noz aderat, ih castra cum 7 
; aoezercitu revortitur. 60. igitur postero die, prius quam ad ob- 

! pugnandum egrederetur, equitatum omnem in ea parte, qua 

regis adventus erat, pro castris agitare iubet, portas et prozuma 
loca tribunis dispertit, deinde ipse pergit ad oppidum atque 
uti superiore die murum aggreditur. interim Iugurtha eza 
jf occulto repente nostros invadit qui in prozumo locati fue- 
rant, paulisper teiriti perturbantur, rdiqui dto subveniunt 
" neque dhitius Numidae resistere quivisscnt, ni pedites cum » 
equitibus permizti magnam cladem in congressu facerent. 
quibus illi fireti non, ud equestri proelio solet, sequi, dein 
jocedere, sed advorsis equis concurrere, inplicare ac perturbare- K 
V t^ adem: ita ezpeditis peditibus suis hostis paene victos dare. 
« 60. eodem tempore apud Zamam magna vi certabatur. ubi 
quisque legatus aut tribunus curabat, eo 4tcerrume nid, neque 



60-6L . DB BELLO IUGVRTHINO. 13} 



alius in alio mftgis quam in sese spem habere pariferque oppi- 

dani agere : obpugnare aui parare omnibus locis, avidius alteri 
t alteros sandare quam aemet tegere, damor permixtns horta- 

tione laetitia gemitu, item strepitus armorum ad caelum ferri, 
t tela utrimque volare. ted Sli qui moenia defensabant, ubij 

hostes paulum modo pugnam remiserant, intenti proeiium 

4 equestre prospectabant eos, uti quaeque Iugurthae rea erant, 
laetos modo modo pavidos animadvorteres ac, sicuti audiri a 
auia aut oerni possent, monere alii alii hortari ant manu signi- 
ficare aut niti corporibus et ea huc et iDuc quasi vitabundi aut 10 

* iacientes tela agitare. quod ubi Mario cognitum est — nam is 
in ea parte curabat— consulto lenius agere ac diffidentiam rei 
simulare, pati Numidas sine tumultii regis proelium visere. 

eita illis studio suorum adstrictis repente magna vi murum 
aggreditur. et iam scalis egressi mOites prope sumzqa cepe- 15 
rant» cum oppidani concurrunt, lapides ignem alia praeterea 

7 tda ingerunt nostri primo resistere, deinde, ubi unae atque 
alterae scalae conminutae, qui supersteterant adfitcti sunt, 
ceteri quoquo modo potuere, pauci integri magna pars volneri- 

8 bus confecti abeunt denique utrimque proelium nox diremit so 

6L Metellus postquam videt frustra inceptum, neque oppi- 
dum capi neque Iugurtham nisi ex insidiis aut suo loco 
pugnam faoere et iam aestatem exactam esse, ab Zama disce- 
dit et in eis urbibus» quae ad se defecerant satisque munitae 
% loco ant moenibus erant, praesidia inponit ceterum exerci- 1% 
tum in provinciam, quae proxuma est Numidiae, hiemandi 

5 gratia conlocat neque id tempus ex aliorum more quieti 
aut luxuriae concedit, sed quoniam armis bellum parum pro- 
cedebatp insidias regi per amicos tendere et eontm perfidia 

4pn> armis ud parat igitur BomQcarem, qui Romae cumjo 
Iugurtha fuerat et inde vadibus dads de Masnvae nece iudi- 
chun fugerat, quod ei per maxmnam amiritiam maxnma copia 

ft&Uundi erat, mulds pollidtattonibus aggreditur. ac primo 



• I 



« 

I I 



« » 



Qf . CSALLVSTI.CRISPI 61-62. 

effidt uli ad sc conloquendi gratia occultus veniat, deinde fide 
data, si Iugurtham vivom aut necatum sibt tradidisset, fore 
ut Oli senatus inpunitatem et sua omnia concederet, facile 
Numidae persuadet cum ingenio infido tum metuenti ne, si 

5 pax cum Romania fieret, ipse per condiciones ad supplicium 
traderetur. 62. is, ubi primum opportunum fuit, Iugurtham 
anxium ac miserantem fortunas suas adcedit monet atque 
i lacrumans obtestatnr uti aliquando sihi liberisque et genti 

Numidarum pptume meritae provideat, omnibus proeliis sese 

lovictos, agrum vastatum, muhos mortalis captos occisos, regni 
opes conminutas esse; satis saepe iam et virtutem militum et 
fbrtunam temptatam: caveat ne fllo cunctante Numidae sibi 
consulant his atque talibus aliis ad deditionem regis animum 2 
inpelfit mittuntur ad imperatorem legati, qui Iugurtham im- % 

15 perata facturum dicerent ac sine ulla pactione sese regnumque 
suum in fllhis fidem tradere. Meteflus propere cunctos sena- 4 
t torfi ordinis ez hibernis accersi iubet, eorum et aliorum, quos 

idoneos ducebat, consilium habet ita more maiorum ex 5 
conali decreto per legatos Iugurthae imperat argenti pondo 

seducenta mflia, dephantos omnis, equorum et armorum ali- . 

quantum. quae postquam sine mora facta sunt, hibet omnis 6 

perfugas vinctos adducL eorum magna pars, uti iussum erat, 7 

adducti, pauci, cum primum deditio coepit, ad regem Boc- 

• chum in Mauretaniam abierant igitur Iugurtha, ubi armis S 

15 virisque et pecunia spoliatus est, cum ipse ad imperandum 
Tisidium vocaretur, rursus coepit flectere animum suum et ez 
mala consdentia digna timere. denique multis diebus per 
dubitadonem consumptis, cum modo taedio rerum advor- 
sarum omnia bello potiora duceret, interdum secum ipse repu- 
, jotaret quam gravis casus in servitium ex regno foret, multis 
nagmsqne praesidiis neqdquam perditis de integro beDum 
snmit et Romae senatus de provindis oonsultus Numidiam xc 



68-64. DS BBLLO IUGURTHINO. 135 

68. Per idem tempus Uticac forte C Mario peir hosuas dis 
subplicanti magna atque mirabilia portendi haruspex dixerat : 
proinde, quae animo agitabat, fietns dis ageiet, fortnnam quam 

8 saepissume experiretur, cuncta prospere cventura. at illum 
iam antea consnlatus ingens cupido exagitabat, ad quems 
capiundum praeter vetustatem familiae alia omnia abunde 
erant, industria probitaa, militiae magna scientia, animus belli 
ingens, domi modicus» lubidinis et divitiarum victor, tantum i^ 

8 modo gloriae avidus. sedis natuset omnem pueritiam Arptnil I . 
J altus, ubi primum aetas sulitiae patiens fuit, stipendiis fadun- ldL 
dis, non Graeca facundia neque urbanis munditiis sese exer-* * 
euit: ita inter artis bonas integrum ingenium brevi adokvit 

4 ergo ubi primum tribunatum militarem a populo petit, pleris- 
que fadem eius ignorantibus, facife notus per omnis tribus 

6 declaratur. deinde ab eo magistratu alium post alium sibt 1 j 
peperit semperque in potestatibus eo modo agitabat, ut 

6 ampliore quam gerebat dignus haberetur. tamen is ad id 
locorum talis vir — nam postea ambitione praeceps datus est 
— adpetere non audebat etiam tum alios magistratus plebs, 

7 consulatum nobilitas inter se per manus tradebau novos so 
nemo tam daras neque tam egregiis factis erat, Tjuin is in* 
dignus illo honore et quasi pdlutus haberetur. * 64. igitur 
ubi Marius haruspicis dicta eodem intendeie videt, quo cu- 

pido animi hortabatur, ab Metelto petundi gratia missionem _#f. 
■ rogat cui quamquam virtus gloria atque alia optandaoonis 1$ 
superabant, tamen inerat contemptor animus et superbia, 

8 commune nobQitatis malum. itaque primuni oonmotus inso- 
lita re mirari eins consilium et quasi per amicitiam monere ne 
tam prava indperet neu super fortunam animum gereret: 
non omnia omnibus cupiunda esse, debere illi res suas satisjo 
placere; postremo caveret id petere a populo Romano> quod 

8 illi iuie negaietnr. postquam haec atque alia talia dixit neqoe 
animus Mari flectitnr, resppndit, ubi primum potuisset per 



l 



% 



I 

1 

1 



136 . C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 64-66. 

negotia publica, facturum scsc quae peteret ac postea sae- 4 

l phis eadem postulanti fertur dixisse ne festinaret abire, satis 

j mature ilhim cum filio suo consulatum petiturum. is eo tem- 

pore contubernio patris ibidem militabat, annos natus circiter 

5 vigintL quae res Marium cum pro honore quem adfectabat 

tum contra Metellum vehementer accenderat ita cupidine 6 

atque ira pessnmis consultoribus grassari, neque facto ullo 

j \s neque dicto abstinere, quod modo ambitiosum foret, milites 

quibus in hibernis praeerat laziore imperio quam antea habere, 

loapud negotiatores, quorum magna multitudo Uticae erat, cri- 

minose simul et magnifice de bello loqui: dimidia pars exer- 

dtus si stbi permitteretur, paucis diebus Iugurtham in catenis 

habiturum; ab imperatore consulto trahi, quod homo inanis 

V et regiae superbiae imperio nimis gauderet quae omnia illis 6 

15 eo firmiora videbantur, quia diuturnitate belli res familiaris 

oonruperant et animo cupienti nihil satis festinatur. 66. erat 

,' praeterea in ezerdtu nostro Numida quidam nomine Gauda 

Mastanabalis filius Masinissae nepos, quem Micipsatestamento 

secundum heredem scripserat, morbis confectus et ob eam 

aecansam mente paulum inminuS. cui Metdlus petenti more t 

regum ut BeBam iuxta poneret, item postea custodiae causa 

turmam equitum Romanorum, utrumque negaverat : % honorem, 

quod eorum more foret, quos popuhis Romanus reges appel- 

hvisset, praesklium, quod contumdiosum in eos foret, si equi- 

X/ s*tes Romani satellites Numidae traderentur. hunc Marius6 

anxium aggreditur atque hortatur ut contumdiarum in im- 

peratorem cum suo auxilio poenaspetat; hominemobmorbos 

animo parum valido secunda oratione extollit : illum regem, 

ingentem virum, Masinissae nepotem esse; si Iugurthacaptus 

joaut oodsus foret, imperium Numidiae sine mora habiturum ; 

id adeo mature posse evenire, si ipse consul ad id bellum 

missus foret itaque et illum et equites Romanos milites et 4 

j^otiatores,aliosip^pierosquepacisspesinpeIIit,udRomam 



65-67. DB BELLO IUGURTBINO. 137 

adsuosnecessviosaspereinMetelhimdebdloscri^ 

6 imperatorem poscant stc flli a muhis mortalibui honestis- 
mma suffragatione consulatus petebatur. simul ea tempestate 
plebs, nobilitate fusa per legem Mamiliam, novos extollebat 
ita Mario cuncta procedere. fr 

66. Interim Iugurtha postquam omissa dediuone bellum 
incipit, cum magna cura paraie omnia, festinare, cogere exer- 
citum, dvitatb quae ab se defecerant formidine aut ostentando 
praemia affectare, conmunire suos locos, anna tela aliaque, 
quae-spe pacis amiserat, reficere aut conmercari, servitia Ro- 10 
manorum adlicere et eos ipsos, qui in praesidiis erant, pecunia 
temptare : prorsus nihil intactum neque quietum pati, cuncta 

& agitare. igitur Vagenses, quo MeteDus initio Iugurtha paci- 
ficante praesidium inposuerat, fatigati regis supplidis neque 
antea voluntate alienati, principes dvitatis inter se coniurant 1$ 
nam volgus, uti plerumque solet et maxume Numidarum, 
ingenio mobili seditiosum atque discordiosum erat, cupidum 
novarum rerum, quieti et otio advorsum. dein conpositis 
inter se rebus in diem tertium constttuunt, quod is festus cele- 
bratusque per omnem Afiicam ludum et lasciviam magisso 

• quam formidinem ostentabat sed ubi tempus fiiit, centu- 
riones tribunosque militaris et ipsum praefectum oppidi T. 
Turpilium Silanum alius alium domos suas invitant eos 
omnis praeter Turpilium inter epulas obtruncant postea 
milites palantis inermos, quippe in tali die ac sine imperio, t$ 

4 aggrcdiuntur. idem plebes fadt, parsedocti ab nobilitate, 
alii studio talium rerum indtati, quis acta consfliumque igno* 
rantibus tumultus ipse et res novae satis placebant 67. Ro* 
mani milites, inproviso metn incerti ignarique quid potissumum' 
facerent, trepidare. arce oppidi, nbi sijjna et scuta erant,s* 
praesidium hoetium, portae ante dausae"fuga prohibebant 
ad hoc mulieres puerique pro tectis aedifidorum saxa et alia 

aquaelocuspraebebatcertatimmittere. itanequecaverianceps 



V. 



\ ; 



138' . C. SALLUSTI CRISPI • 67-69. 






malom neque a fortissumis infirmissumo generi resisti posse : 
iuzta boni malique strenui et inbelles inulti obtruncaii in e& 3 
tanta asperitate saevissumis Numidis et oppido undique dauso 
TtarpDius praefectus unus ez omnibus Italicis intactus pro- 
3 fugit id misericordiane hospitis. an pactione aut casu ita 
evenerit, parum conperimus: nisi, quia illi in tanto malo 
turpis vita integra fama potior fuit, inprobus intestabilisque 
* videtur. 

68. MeteDus, postquam de rebus Vagae actis comperit, 

sopanlisper maestus ex conspectu abit deinde ubi iia et aegri- • 
tudo permixta sunt» cum maxuma cura ultum ire iniurias 
festinat legionem, cum qua hiemabat, et quam plurumosS 
potest Numidas equites pariter cum occasu solis ezpeditos 
edudt et postero die cirdter hora tertia pervenit in quandam 

isplanitiem lods paulo superioribus circumventant ibi milites 3 

fessos itineris magnitudine et iam abnuentis omnia docet op- 

pidum Vagam non amplius mille passuum abesse : decere 

iHos relicum laborem aequo animo pati, dum pro dvibus suis, 

• i viris fortissumis atque miserrumis, poenas caperent prae- 

soterea praedam benigne ostentat sic animis eorum adrectis, 4 
equites in primo late, pedites quam artissume ire et signa 
occuhare iubet 60. Vagenses ubi animum advortere ad se 
vorsum ezerdtum pergere, primo, uti erat res, Metellum esse 
rati, portas dausere, deinde ubi neque agros vastari et eos, 

*3qui primi aderant, Numidas equites vident, rursum Iugurtham 
arbitrati cum magno gaudio obvii procedunt equites pedites- S 
que repente signo dato alii volgum efiusum oppido caedere, 
aln ad portas festinare, pars turris capere: ira atque praedae 
spes amplius quam lassitudo posse. ita Vagenses biduom 3 
j 3smodaez perfidia laetati. dvitas magna.et opulens cuncta 

poenae ant praedae fuit Turpilius, quem praefectum oppidi 4 
umnn es omnibus profugisse supra ostendimus, iussus a 
y i^ ^p ^ ftut fl 11 ^ dicere postquam sese pani^ czpurgat, con- 



60-71. DB BSLLO IUCURTHim. 139 



demnatus verberatusque capite poenaa solvit: nam h dvis ex 
Latioerat 

70. Per idem tempus Bomilcar, cuius inpulsu Iugurtha 
deditionem, quam metu deserait, inceperat, suspectus regi et 
ipse eum suspidens novas res cupere, ad pernidem eiuss 

Sdolum quaerere, die noctuque &tigare animum; denique 
omnia temptando socium sibi adiungit Nabdalsam» homi- 
nem nobilem, magnis opibus, carum acceptumque populari- 
buis suis, qui plerumque seorsum ab rege ezerdtum ductare 

. et omnis res eiequi solitus erat, quae Iugurthae fesso aut le 
maioribus adstricto superaverant: exquo.illi gloria opeaque 

ainventae. igitur utriusque consQio dies insidiis statuitnr. 

4cetera, uti res posceret, ex tempore parari placuit Nab- 
dalsa ad exerdtum profectus, quem inter luberna Romano- 

6 rum iussus habebat, ne ager inultis hostibus vastaretur. is 1 j 
postquam magnitudine fadnoris perculsus ad tempus non ve* 
nit metusque rem inpediebat, Bomilcar stmul cupidus incepta 
patrandi et timore sod anxius, ne omisso vetere consQio 
novom quaereret, litteras ad eum per homines fiddis mittit, 
in quis mollitiam socordiamque viri accusare, testari deos, so 
per quos iuravisset, monere ne praemia Metelli in pestem 
convorteret Iugurth&e exithim adesse, ceterum suane an 
Metelli virtute periret, id modo agitari; protnde reputaret 
cum animo suo, praemia an crudatum mallet 7L sed cum 
eae litterae adlatae, forte Nabdalsa exerdto corpore fessus in 15 

tlecto quiescebat, ubi cognitis Bomilcaris verbis primo cura, 

S deinde, uti aegrum animum solet, somnus cepit erat d 
Numida quidam negotiorum curator, fidus acceptusque et 

4 omnium consiliorum nisi novissumi particeps. qui postquam 
adlatas litteras audivit et ex consuetudine ratus opera aut in-$o 
genio suo opus esse, in tabernaculum introiit, dormiente fllo " 
epistulam super caput in pulvino temere positam sumit ac 

• P**git ddn propere cognitis insidiis adregempeigit Natn 



V. 



I. 

I 



146 C. SALLVSTI CRISPI 71-73. 



t 



.1 

* I 



dalsa panlo poet expenectus uM neque epistulam repperit et 
rem omnem uti acta erat cognovit, primo indicem persequi 
conatus, postquam id frustra fiiit, Iugurtham placandi gratia 
adcedit: didt quae ipse paravisset facere perfidia clientis sui 

jpraeventa; lacrumans obtestatur per amicitiam perque sua 
antea fideliter acta, ne super tali scelere suspectum sese 
haberet 72. ad ea rex aliter atque animo gerebat pladde 
respondit Bomilcare aliisque multis, quos socios insidiarum 
cognoverat, interfectis iram obpresserat, nequa ez eo negotio 

loseditio oreretur. neque post id locoram Iugurthae dies aut 3 

nox uHa quieta fuit; neque loco neque mortali cuiquam aut 

tempori satis credere, civis hosdsque iuxta metuere, circum- 

spectare omnia et omni strepitu pavescere, alio atque alio 

^ loco saepe contra decus reghun noctu requiescere, interdum 

i| somno excitus arreptis armis tumultum facere, ita formidine 
quasi vecordia exagitarL 

73. Igitnr Metellus, ubi de casu Bomilcaris et indicio pate- 
facto ex periugis cognovit, rursus tamquam ad integrum 
• .j bellum cuncta parat festinatque. Marium fatigantem de 2 

joprofectione, simul et invitum et offensum sibi parum ido- 
neum ratns, domum dimtttit et Romae plebes litteris, quae 3 
de Metdlo ac Mario missae erant, cogniiis volenti animo de 
ambobus acceperant imperatori nobilitaa, quae antea decori 4 
fidt, invidiae esse, at illi alteri generis humiiitas favorem ad- 

sf diderat ceterum in utroque jnagis studia partium quam 
bona aut mala sua moderataf* praeterea seditiosi magistratus 5 
volgum exagitare, Metellum omnibus contionibus capitis ar- 
cessere, Mari virtutem in maius cdebrare. denique plebes a 
sic accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fides- 

toque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus firequentarent 
Marium et sua necessaria post illius honorem dncerent ita 7 
pf mrita nobilitate post mnltas tempestates novo Vymini 
consuhtus mandatnr. et postea populus a tribuno plcbis 



73-75. DE BRLLO WGURTHISO. 141 

T. Manlio Mancino rogatus quem vdlet cum Iugurtha bdhim 
gerere, frequens Marium inssit aed paulo • . . . decreverat: 
ea res frustra fiiit 

74. Eodem tempore Iugurtha amissis amicis, quonun ple- 
rosque ipse necaverat, ceteri foimidine pars ad Romanos alii 1 
ad regem Bocehum profugerant, cum neque bellum geri 
sine administris posset et novonun fidem in tanta perfidia 
veterum experiri periculosum duceret, varius incertusque agi- 
tabat neque alli res neque consilium aut quisquam hominum 
satis placebat itinera praefectosque in dies mutare, modoio 
advorsum hostis, interdum in solitudines pergere, saepe in 
iiiga ac post paulo in armis spem habere, dubitare virtud 
an fidei popularium minus crederet: ita quocumque inten- 

S derat res advorsae erant sed inter eas moras repente sese 
Metellus cum exercitu ostendit Numidae ab Iugurtha pro \% 

• tempore parati instructique, dein proelium incipitur. qua in 
parte rex pugnae adfttit, ibi aliquamdiu certatum, ceteri eius 
onmes mOites primo congressu pulsi fiigatique. Romani 
signorum et armorum aliquanto numero, hostium pauco- 
rum potiti: nam ferme Numidis in omnibus proeliis magisso 
pedes quam arma tuta sunt 

76. Ea fiiga Iugurtha inpensius modo rebus suis diffidens 
cum perfugis et parte equitatus in solitudines, dein Thalam 
pervenit, in oppidum magnum atque opulentum, ubi plerique 

t thesauri filiorumque ehis multus pueritiae cultus erat quae 15 
postquam Metello conperta sunt, quamquam inter Thalam 
flumenque proxumum in spatio milium quinquaginta loca 
arida atque vasta esse cognoverat, tamen spe patrandi belli, 
si eius oppidi potitus foret, omnis asperitates supervadere ac 

S naturam etiam vincere aggreditur. igitur omnia iumenta sar- ^o 
dnis levari iubet nisi frumento dierum decem, ceterum utns 

4modo et alia aquae idonea portari. praeterea conquirit ex 
agris quam plurumum.potest domid pecoris. eo inponit vato 



143 C. SALLUSTZ CRISPl 75-76. 

cuiusque modi, sed pleraque lignea, conlecla ez tuguriis Nu- 
midarum. ad hoc finitumis imperat, qui se post regis fugam h 
Metello dederant, quam plurumum quisque aquae portaret 
diem k>cumque f ubi praesto fuerint» praeditit, ipse ez flu- 

gmine, quam prozumam oppido aquam esse supra diximus, 
iumenta onerat : eo modo instructus ad Thalam proficistitur. 
deinde ubi ad id lod ventum» quo Numidis praeceperat, et 7 
castra podta munitaque sunt, tanta repente caelo missa vis 
aquae dicitur, ut ea modo ezerdtui satis superque foret 

lopraetere a conmeatus spe amplior, quia Numidae, sicuti ple» 8 
rique in nova deditione, officia intenderant ceterum milites 9 
religione pluvia magis usi, eaque res multum animis eorum 
addidit nam rati sese dis inmortalibus curae esse. deinde 
postero die contra opinionem Iugurthae ad Thalam perve- • 

flsniunt oppidani, qui se locorum asperitate munitos credide- 20 
rant, magna atque.insolita re perculsi, nihilo segnhis bellum 
parare, idem nostri fiicere. 76. sed rez nihil iam infectum 
MeteDo credens, quippe qui omnia, arma tela locos tempora, 
denique naturam ipsam ceteris imperitantem industria vicerat, 

aocum liberis et magna parte pecuniae ez oppido noctu pro- 
fugit, neque postea in uUo loco amplius uno die aut una 
nocte moratus simulabat sese negoti gratia properare. cete- 
rum proditionem timebat, quam vitare posse celeritate puta- 
faat; nam talia consOia per otium et ez opportunitate capL 

tjat MeteDus, ubi oppidanos proelio intentos, simul oppiduma 
et operibus et loco munitum videt, vaDo fossaque moenia 
dramrvenit deinde lods ez copia mazume idoneis vineas % 
agere, aggerem iacere et super aggerem inpoatis turribus 
opus et administros tutari. contra haec oppidani festinare 4 

joparare, prorsus ab utrisque nihil relicum fierl denique Ro- * 
mani mubo ante labore proeliisque fatigati, post dtes quad- * 
nginta quom eo ventum crat, oppido modo potiti, praeda 
omnis ab perfugis conrupta. d postquam murum arietibas o 



76-ft. DE BELLO lUGURTBim. m 143 

• feriri rcsque suas adffictas vident, surum atque argentum et 
alia quae prima ducuntnr doinum regiam conportant ifai 
vino et epulis onerati fllaque et domum et semet igni con- 
rumpunt et quas victi ab hostibui poenas metuerant, eas ipsi 
volentes pependere. 5 

77. Sed pariter cum capta Thala kgati ex oppido Lepti 
ad Metdlum venerant orantes uti praesidium praefectumque 
eo mitteret: Hamilcarem quendam hominem nobQem factio- 
sum novis rebus studere, advorsum quem neque imperia 
magistratuum neque leges valerent ni id festinaiet, inio 

iisummo periculo suam salutem, iliorum sodos fore. nam 
Leptitani iam inde a prindpio belli Iugurthini ad Bestiam 
consulem et postea Romam miserant amicitiam sodetatemque 

% rogatnm. deinde ubi ea inpetrata, semper boni fideksque 
mansere et cuncta a Bestia Albino MeteDoque imperata nave 15 

4 fecerant itaque ab imperatore facile quae petebant adeptL 
emissae eo cohortes Ligurum quattuor et C Annius prae- 
fectus. 78. id oppidum ab Sidoniis conditum est, quos 
accepimus profugos ob discordias dvilis navibus in eos locos 
venisse, ceterum situm inter duas Syrtis, quibus nomen ex jo 

s re inditum. nam duo sunt sinus prope in extrema Africa ^ 
inpares magnitudine, pari natunu quorum proxuma terrae 
praealta sunt, cetera, uti fors tulit, alta alia alia in tempestate 

t vadosa. nam ubi mare magnum esse et saevire ventis coeptt^ 
limum harenamque et saxa ingentia fluctus trahunt : ita fades 15 
locorum cum ventis simul mutatur, Syrtes ab tractu nomi- 

4natae. dus dvitatis lingua modo convorsa conubio Numi- 
darum, legum cultusque pleraque Sidonica, quae eo fadliua 
retinebant, quod procul ab imperio regis aetatem agebant 

5 inter fllos et fiequentem Nmnidiam mnlti vastiqne lod erant 9» 

70. Sed quoniam in eas regiones per Leptitanorum nego- 
tia venimus, non indignum videtur egregium atque mirabfle 
iadnus duorum Carthaginiensium memorare: eam xem nos 



144 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 79-80. 

locus admonuit. qua tempestate Caithaginienses pleraque* 
Africa imperitabant, Cyrenenses quoque magni atque opu- 
lenti fuere. ager in medio harenosus, una specie: neque* 
flumen neque mons erat, qui finis eorum discerneret quae 

jres eos in magno diuturnoque bello inter se habuit postquam 4 
utrimque kgiones item classes saepe fusae fugataeque et 
alteri alteros aliquantum adtriverant, veriti ne moz victos 
victoresque defessos alius aggrederetur, per indutias spon* 
sionem faciunt, uti certo die legati domo proficiscerentur: ' 

soquo in loco inter se obvii fiiissent, is communis utriusque 
pqpuli finis haberetur. igitur Carthagine duo fratres missi,5 
quibus nomen Philaenis erat, maturavere iter pergere. Cyre- 
nenses taxdius iere. id socordiane an casu acciderit parum 
cognovL ceterum solet in fllislods tempestas haud secus 

i| atque in mari retinere. nam ubi per loca aequalia et nuda 
gignentium ventus coortus harenam humo excitavit, ea magna 
vi agitata oia oculosque implere solet, ita prospectu impedito 
morari iter. postquam Cyrenenses aliquanto posteriores se7 
esse vident et ob rem conruptam domi poenas metuunt, 

•ocriminari Carthaginiensis ante tempus dorjao digressos con- 
tnrbare rem, denique omnia malle quam victi abire. sed8 
cum Poeni aliam condidonem, tantum modo aequam, pe- 
terent, Graed pptionem Carthaginiensium fadunt, ut vd illi, 
quos finis populo suo peterent, ibi vivi obruerentur vel eadem 

sj condidone sese quem in locum vellent processuros. Philaeni 8 
condidone probata seque vitamque suam rd publicae con- 
donavere: ita vivi obrutL Carthaginienses in eo loco Fhi-10 
laenis fratribus aras consecravere aliique Hlis domi honores 
institutL nunc ad rem redeo. 

jo 80« Iqgurtha pottquam amissa Tbala n&ul satts firmum 
oontra MeteDum putat, per magnas solitudines cum paucis 
profectus, pervenit ad Gaetulot, genus hominum ferum in- 
cnltnmoue et eo temoore iirnarum twimlnk RomanL eorum a 



80-8* DE BBLLO lUGURTBlNO. 145 

multitudinem in unum oogit ac paulatim consuefadt ordinet 
habere, signa sequi, imperium obeervaze, item alia militaria 
8 lacere. praeterea regis Bocchi proxumos magnis muneribus 
et maioribus promissb ad studium sui perdudt, quis adiu- 
toribus regem ag g re ssos inpeOit uti advorsus Romanos bellum 5 

4 indpiat id ea gratia facilius proniosque fiiit, quod Bocchus • 
initk) huiusce belli legatos Romam miserat foedus et amidtiam 

5 petitum, quam rem ppportunissumam incepto beDo pand im- 
pediverant caeci avaritia, quis omnia honesta atque inhonesta 

vendere mos erat etiam antea Iugurthae filia Bocchi nup- 10 
serat verum ea necessitndo apud Numidas Maurosque levis 
dudtur, quia singuli pro opibus quisque quam piununas 
uxores, denas alii alii pluris habent, sed reges eo amplius. 

7 ita animus multitudine distrahitur : nulla pro soda optinet, 
pariter omnes viles sunt 81. igitur in locum ambobus pla- 15 
dtum exerdtus conveniunt ibi fide data et accepta Iugurtha 
Bocchi animum oratione accendit: Romanos iniustos, pro- 
funda avaritia, communis omnium hostis esse ; eandem illoa 
causam belli cum Boccho habere, quam secum et cum aliis 
gentibus, lubidinem imperitandi, quis omnia regna advoreaio 
sint tum aese, paulo ante Carthaginiensis, item regem 
Persen,4>ost uti quisqufe opukntissumus videatur, ita Romanis 

% hostem fore. eis atque aliis talibus dictis ad Cirtam oppidum 
iter constituunt, quod ibi [Q.] Metellus praedam captivosque 

t et inpedimenta locaverat ita Iugurtha ratus aut capta urbesj 
operae pretium fore aut, si dnx Romanus auxSio suis venisset, 

tproelio sese certaturos. nam callidus id modo festinabat, 
Bocchi pacem inminuere, ne moraa agitando aliud quam bel- 

82. Imperator postquam de regum societate cognovit, non j* 
temeie neque, nti saepe iam victo Iugurtha consueverat, 
omnibus locis pugnandi copiam &cit cetensm haud procul 
ab Cbta castris numitis reges opperitur, meliua esse latna 

L 



146 C SALLUSTI CRISPI 82-84. 

cognitis Mauris, quoniam is novos hostis adcesserat, ex com- 
modo pugnam ftcere. interim Roma per litteras certior fit ft 
provindam Numidiam Mario datam, nam consulem fectum 
ante acceperat quibns rebus supra bonum aut bonestum 
5 perculsus, neque lacrumas tenere neque moderari linguam t 

. vir egregius in aliis artibus nimis molliter aegritudinem pati. 
quam rem alii in superbiam vortebant, alii bonum ingenium f 
contnmelia accensum esse, multi, quod iam parta victoria ex 
manibus eriperetur. nobis satis cognitum est iUum magis 

lobonore Mari quam inhiria sua excrudatum neque tam anxie 
laturam fiiisse, si adempta provincia alii quam Mario trade- 
xetur. 88. igitur eo dolore inpeditus et quia stultitiae vide- 
batnr alienam rem periculo suo curare, legatos ad Bocchum 
mittit postulatum, ne sine causa hostis populo Romano fieret: 

15 habere tum magnam copiam sodetatis amicitiaeque coniun- 
gendae, quae potior bello esset, et quamquam opibus suis 
confideret, tamen non debere incerta pro certis mutares 
omne bellum sumi facfle, ceterum aegerrume desinere; non 
in eiusdem potestate initium efais et finem esse; incipere 

aocuivis, etiam ignavo licere, deponi, cum victores vdint; 
proinde sibi regnoque suo consuleret, neu florentis res suaa 
cum Iugurthae perditis misceret ad ea rex satis plarides 
verba fadt: sese pacem cupere, sed Iugurthae fortunarum 
misereri; si eadem illi copia fieret, omnia conventura. rursus J 

•jimperator contra postnlata Bocchi nuntios mittit; flle pro- - 
bare partim, alia abnuere. eo modo saepe ab utroque missis 
ranissisqoe mmtiis tempos procedere et ex Metelli voluntate 
DelloflA mtactum t^anii 
84. At Marius, nt supra diximus, cupientissuma plebe 

joconsul fitctus, postqoam d provindam Nunridiam populus 
iussit, antea iam infestus nobflitati, tum veio multus atque 
fcrox instare, singulos modo modo univorsos laedere, dic* 
tfcare tese consuktum ex vktis fllis spolfc cepisse, aUa prae* 



84-85. DS BBLLO WGURTBINO. 147 

t terea magnifica pro se et fllis dotentuu interim qtiae beOo 
opus erant prima habere, postuhre kgioniboa supplementum, 
auxilia a populis et regibus tociisque arcessere, praeterea ex 
Latio fbrtissumtim auemaue. nleroeaue militiae. pauiros fama 
cognitos accire et ambiundo cogere homines emeritis sti-| 

8 pendiis secum profidsci. neque illi senatus, quamquam ad- 
vorsus erat, de ullo negotio abnuere andebat ceterum 
supplementum etiam laetus decreverat, quia neque pleM 
mQitia volenti putabatur et Marius aut belli usum aut studia 
volgi amissurus. sed ea res frustra sperata: tanta lubidoio 

4 cum Mario euntfi pferosque invaserat sese quisque piaeda 
locupletem fore, victorem domum rediturum alia hujuscemodi 
animis trahebant, et eos non paulum oratione sua Marius 

6 adrexerat nam postquam omnibus quae postulaverat decretis 
milites scribere volt, hortandi cansa, simul et nobilitatem uti i| 
consueverat exagitandi, contionem populi advocavit deinde 
hocmodo disseruit 

88. 'Scio ego, Quirites, plerosque non eisdem artibus im- 
perium a vobis petere et postquam adepti sunt geiere; primo 
industrios suppUds modicos esse, dein per ignaviam et su-ao 

aperbiam aetatem agere. sed mihi contra ea videtur. nam 
quo pluris est univorsa res publica quam consulatus aut 
praetura, eo maiore cuii illam administrari quam haec ped 

• debere. neque me fallit, quantum cum mammo benificio 
vostro negoti sustineam, bellum paraie simul et aerariotg 
parcere, cogere ad mflitiam eos quos nolis offendere, domi 
forisque omnia curare et ea agere inter invidos occursantis 

4 factiosos» opinione, Quirites, asperius est ad % hoc alii si 
ddiqtitre, vetus nob&itas, maiomm Ibrtia facta, cognatorum 
et adfininm opes, multae clientelae, omnia haec praesidiojo 
adsunt: mihi spes omnes in memet sitae, quas necesse est 

e virtute et innocentia tutari. nam aiia infinna sunt et Ohid 
intellego, Quirites, omnium ora in me convorsa esse, aequo* 

LJ 



148 . C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 85. 

bonosque favere, quippc mea bene facta rei publicae pro- 
tedunt, nobilitatem locum invadendi quaerere. quo mihiO 
acrius adnitundum est uti neque vos capiamini et illi frustra 
sint ita ad hoc aetatis a pueritia fui, uti omnis labores et 7 
spericula consueta habeam. quae ante vostra benificia gratuito 8 
faoebam, ea uti accepta mercede deseram non est consilium, 
Quirites. Olis difficile est in potestatibus temperare, qui per 8 
ambitionem sese probos simulavere; mihi»qui omnem aetaten* 
in optumis artibus egi, bene facere iam ex consuetudine in 

lonaturam vortit bellum me gerere cum Iugurtha iussistis, 10 
quam rem nobilitas aegerrume tulit quaeso, reputate cum 
animia vostris, num id mutare melius sit, siquem ex illo globo 
nobilitatis ad hoc aut aliud tale negotium mittatis, hominem 
veteris prosapiae ac multarum hnaginum et nullius stipendi : 

15 scflicet ut in tanta re ignarus omnium trepidet festinet sumat 
aKquem ex populo monitorem offid sui. ita plerumque evenit 11 
ut quem vos imperare iussistis, is imperatorem alium quaerat 
atque ego sck), Quiritcs, qui postquam consules facti sunt et u 

, acta maiorum et Graecorum militaria praecepta legere coe- 
^soperint, praepostep homines: tiam gerere quam fieri tempore 
posterius, re atque usu prius est conparate nunc, Quirites, Vk 
cum fllontm superbia me hominem novom. quae illi audire, 
ant legere solent, eorum partem vidi, alia egomet gessi; quae 
Oli Htteris ea ego militando didicl nunc vos existumate facta M 

sfan dicta pluria sint contemnunt novitatem meam, ego 
fflorum ignaviam; mihi fortuna, illis probra obiectantur. 
quamquam ego nafnram unam -$t communem omnhim ex- 16 
tr. istumo, sed fortissumum quemque generosissumum. ac siie 
iam ex patribus Albini aut Bestiae quaeri posset, mene an 

j»31o6 ex se gigni mahierint,-quid responsuros creditis, nisi sese 
Eberos quam optumos voluisse ? quodsi iure me despiciunt,.i7 
fadant idem maioribus suis, quibus, uti mihi, ex virtute 
pobOttas coepit invident honori meo: ergo invideant labori 18 



^ 



85* DB BELLO IUCURTHIKO. (49 

innocentiae periculis etiam meis, quoniam per haec fflum 
10 cepL verum homines conrapti superbia itm aetatem agunt, 
quasi vostros honorea contemnant ; ita hos petunt, qoasi honeste 
ao vizerint ne illi falsi sunt, qui divorsissumas res pariter ez- 
ai pectant, ignaviae voluptatem et praemia virtutia. atque etiam, % 
cum apud vos ant in senatn verba fachint, pkraque oratione 
maiores suos eztollunt, eonim fortia frcta memorando cla- 
aariores sese putant quod contra est nam quanto vita 
SSillorum praeclarior, tanto horum socordia flagitiosior. et 
profecto ita se res habet: maionim gloria posteris quasiio 
lumen est, neque bona neque mala eorum in occulto patitur. 
li huiusce rei ego inopiam fateor, Quirites, verum, id quod 
sa multo praedarius est, meamet &cta mihi dicere licet nunc - 
videte quam iniqui sint quod ez aliena virtute sibi adrogant, 
id mihi ez mea non concedunt, scilicet quia imagines noni^ 
habeo et quia mihi nova nobilitas est, quam certe peperisse 
aemelius est quam acceptam conrupisse. equidem ego non 
ignoro, si iam mihi respondere vclint, abunde illis facundam 
et conpositam orationem fore. sed in vostro maiumo bcni- 
ficio cum omnibus locis me vosque maledictis lacerent, non so 
placuit reticcre, nequis modestiam in consdentiam duceret 

57 nam me quidem ez animi mei sententia nulla oratio laedere 
potest quippe vera necesse est bene praedicent» &lsa vita 

58 morcsque mei superant sed quoniam vostra consilia accu- 
santur 9 qui mihi summum honorem et mazumum negotium »$ 
inposuistis, etiam atque etiam reputate, num eorum paeni- 

ao tendum sit non possum fidei causa imagines neque trium- 
phos aut consulatus maiorum meorum ostentare, at, si res 
postulet,hastas vezilhim phaleras alia militaria dona, praeterea 

tocicatrices advorso corpore. hae sunt meae imagines» haecto 
nobilitas, non hereditate relicta, ut illa fllis, sed quae ego mcis 

ai plurumis laboribus ct periculis quaesivL non sunt conpodta 
verba mea : parvi id fatcia ipsa se virtus satis ostendit illis 



^v<U 



150 C. SALLVSTI CRISPI 85. 

artificio opus est, ut turpia facta oratione tegant nequesa 
Ktteras Graecas didid: parum plaoebat eas discere, qcdppe 
quae ad virtatem doctoribus nihil profherant at illa multo 88 
optuma rei publicae doctus sum hostem ferire, praesidium 

'jagitare, nihil metuere nisi turpem famam, hiemem et aesta- 
tem iuxta pati, humi requiescere, eodem tempore inopiam et 
laborenAolerare. his ego praeceptis milites hortabor neque 84 
iDos arte colam, me opulenter, neque gbriam meam laborem 
iDorum faciam. hoc est utile, hoc civile imperium. namque 86 1 

xocum tute per mollitiam agas, exercitum supplicio cogere, id 
est dominum non imperatorem esse« haec atque talia maiores 86 
vostri faciundo seque remque publicam celebravere. quis87 
nobOitas freta, ipsa dissimilis moribus, nos fllorum aemulos 
contemnit, et omnis honores non ez merito, sed quasi debitos 

15 a vobis repetit ceterum homines superbissumi procul errant 88 
maioies eorum omnia quae licebat illis reliquere, divitias 
imagines memoriam sui praeclaram, virtutem non reliquere, 
neque poterant: ea sola neque datur dono neque accipitur. 
sordidum me et incultis moribus aiunt, quia parum scite89 

tooonvivtum exorno neque histrionem uHum neque pluris preti 
cocum quam vilicum habea quae mihi lubet confiteri, 
Quirites. nam ex parente meo et ex aliis sanctis viris ita 40 
accepi: munditias muBeribus, laborem viris convenire, omni* 
busque bonis oportere plus gloriae quam divitiarum esse; 

sf arma, non nipellectilem decori esse. quin ergo quod iuvat, 41 
quod carum aestumant, id semper faciant, ament potent: ubi 
adulescentiam habuere ibi senectutem agant, in conviviis, 
dedid ventxi et turpissumae parti corporis. sudorem pulverem 
et alia talia relinquant nobis, quibus illa epulis iucundiora 

josunt verum non ita est nam ubi se flagitiis dedecoravere 48 
turptssumi viri, bonoram praemia ereptum ennt ita in-43 
JuttTwnme luxuria et ignavia pessnmae artes, illis qui cohiere 
cas nihfl i>fBr^nt| iti pnbBcaft fa* y> 7^ aff cladi sunt nunc 44 



65-86. DR BSLLO WGURTHINO. 151 

quoniam illis, quantum mei mores, non iflorum flagitia 

46 poscebant, respondi, pauca de re publka loquar. primum 
omnium de Numidia bonum habete animum, Quirites. nam 
quae ad hoc tempus Iugurtham tutata sunt, omnia removistis, 
avaritiam inperitiam atque superbiam. deinde exercitus ibi| 
est loeorum sciens, sed mehercule msgis strenuus quam fdix. 

46nam magna pars eius avaritia aut temeritate ducum adtrita 

47 tst quam ob rem vos, quibus mOitaris aetas est, adnhimini 
mecum et capessite rem publicam neque quemquam ex 
cabunitate aliorum aut imperatorum superbia metus ceperit 10 
egomet in agmine aut in proelio consultor idem et sodus 
periculi vobiscum adero, meque vosque in omnibus rebus 

46iuxta geram. et profecto dis iuvantibus omnia matura 
sunt, victoria praeda laus. quae si dubia aut procul essent, 

46 tamen omnis bonos rei publicae subvenire decebat ete- 15 
nim nemo ignavia inmortalis factus est neque quisquam 
parens liberis uti aeterni forent optavit, magis uti boni ho- 

60 nestique vitam exigerent* plura dicerem, Quirites, si timidis 
virtutem verba adderent nam strenuis 'abunde dictum 
puto/ 

86. Huiuscemodi oratione habita Marius, postquam plebis 
animos arrectos videt, propere conmeatu stipendio armis 
aliisque utilibus navis onerat, cum his A. Manlium legatum 

6 proficisci iubet ipse interea milites scribere, non more 
maiorum neque ex classibus, sed uti ctdusque lubido erat,»* 

8 capite censos plerosque. id factum alii inopia bonorum alii 
per ambitionem consulis memorabant, quod ab eo genere 
cdebratus auctusque erat, et homini potentiam quaerenti 
egentissumus quisque opportunissumus, cui neque sua cara, 
quippe quae nulla sunt, et omnia cum pretio honesta videntur. 30 

4 igitur Marius cum aliquanto maiore numero, quam decretum 
erat, in Africam profectus pauds diebus Uticam advehitur. 

e exerdtus d traditur a P. Rutilio legato. nam Metellus con* 




15* C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 86-89. 

spectum Mari fugerat, ne videret ea quae audita animus 
tolenure nequiverat 87. sed consul expletis legionibus co- 
bortibusque auxfliariis in agram fertilem et praeda onustum 
proficiscitur, omnia ibi capta militibus donat, dein castella et 
S oppida natura et viris parum munita aggreditur, proelia multa, 
ceterum levia, alia aliis locis facere. interim novi milites sine 8 
metu pugnae adesse, videre iiigientis capi aut occidi, fortis- 
sumum quemque tutissumum, armis libertatem patriam pa- 
rentesque et alia omnia tegi, gioriam atque divitias quaeri 

losic brevi spatio novi veteresque coaluere et virtus omnium 8 
aequaKs fecta. at reges ubi de adventu Mari cognoverunt, 4 
divorsi in locos diflSciUs abeunt ita Iugurthae placuerat 
speranti mox efiusos hostis invadi posse, Romanos sicuti 
plerosque remoto metu laxius lieendusque fiituros. 88. Me- 

i| teflus interea Romam profectus contra spem suam laetissumis 
animis exdpitur, plebi patribusque, postquam invidia deces- 
serat, iuxta carus. sed Marius inpigre prudenterque suorum 8 
et hosthnn res pariter adtendere, cognoscere quid boni utris- 
que aut contra esset, explorare itinera regum, consilia et 

sdinsidias eorum antevenire, nihil apud se remissum neque apud 
iDos tutum patL itaque et Gaetulos et Iugurtham ex sociis i 
nostris praedas agentis saepe aggressus in itinere fuderat, 
ipsumque regem hand procul ab oppido Cirta armis exuerat 
quae postquam gloriosa modo neque belli patrandi cognovit, 4 

ssstatuit urbls, quae viris aut loco pro hostibus et advorsum se 
opportunissumae erant, singulas drcumvenire: ita Iugurtham 
ant praesidiis nudatum, si ea pateretur, . . . • aut proelio 
certaturum. nam Bocchus nnntioe ad etun saepe miserat, 6 
velle populi Romani amidtiam, neqvdd ab se hosdle timeret 

loid simulaveritne, quo inprovisus gravior acdderet, an tiiobili- 
tate ingeni pacem atque beHum mutare solitus, parum ex- 
ploratum est 
88. Sed consul, uti statnerat, oppida castellaque muniu 



89-00. DR BBLLO IUGURTBIS0. 153 

adire, partiiA vi alia metu tut praemia ostentando avortere ab 

Shostibus. ac primo mediocria gerebat existumans Iugurtham 

t ob suos tntandos in manns ventnrum. sed nbi iHum procul 
abesse et aliis negotiis intentnm accepit, maiora et magis 

4 aspera aggredi tempus visum est erat inter ingentis soli-$ 
tudines oppidum magnum atque vakns nomine Capsa, cuius 
conditor Hercules Libjs memorabatur. eins cives apud Iu- 
gnrtham inmunes, kvi imperio et ob ea fidelissumi hab eb an- 
tur, muniti advorsnm hostis non moenibus modo et armia 
atque viris» verum etiam multo magis locorum asperitate. 10 

tnam praeter oppido propinqua alia omnia vasta inculta, 
egentia aqnae, infesta serpentibus, quarum vis sicuti omnium 
ferarum inopia cibi acrior. ad hoc natnra serpentium ipsa 

perniciosa siti magis quam alia re accenditur. eius potiundi 
Marium maxuma cupido invaserat, cum propter usum belli \% 
tum quia res aspera videbatur et Metellus oppidum Thalam 
magna gloria ceperat, haud dissimiliter situm munitumque, 
nisi quod apud Thalam non longe a moenibus aliquot ibntes 
erant, Capsenses una modo atque ea intra pppidum iugi aqua, 

y cetera pluvia utebantur; idque ibi ut in omni Africa, quaso 
procul a mari incultius agebant, eo facilius tolerabatur, quia 
Numidae plerumqne lacte et ferina carne vescebantur et 
neque salem neque alia inritamenta gulae quaerebant: cibns 
illis advorsus famem atque sitim, non lubidini neque luzuriae 
erat 00. igitur consul omnibus exploratis, credo dis fretus— 15 
nam contra tantas diflScultates consilio satis providere non 
poterat, quippe etiam frumenti inopia temptabatur, quia Nu- 
midae pabulo pecoris magis quam arvo student et quod- 
cumque natum fuerat iussu regis in loca munita contulerant, 
ager autem aridus et frugum vacuos ea tempestate, namjo 
aestatis extremum erat— tamen pro rei copia satis piovidenter 

t exornat, pecus omne, qnod superioribus diebus praedae fue- 
rat, equitOras anxfliariis agundum adtribuit, A^Manliumlegatum 



V. 



154 & SALLUSTI CRISPI 90-02. 



cnm cohortibus expeditis ad oppidum Laris, ubi stipendium 
et comneatum locaverat, ire hibet dicitque se praedabundum 
post pancos dies eodem venturum. sic incepto suo occultato i 
pergit ad flumen Tanain. OL ceterum in itinere cotidie 
I pecus ezerdtui per centurias item turmas aequaliter distribue» 
rat et ex coriis utres uti fierent curabat, simul inopiam frumenti 
lenire et ignaris omnibus parare, quae mox usui forent deni- 
que sexto die, cum ad flumen ventum est, maxuma vis utrium 
effecta. ibi castris levi munimento positis milites dbum capere % 

soatque uti simul cum occasu solis egrederentur paratos esse 
iubet: omnibus sardnis abiectis aqua modo seque et hunenta 
onerare. dein postquam tempus visum, castris egreditur noc- s 
temquetotam itinere facto consedit idem proxuma fadt, dein 
tertia multo ante luds adventum pervenit in locum tumulosum 

15 ab Capsa non amplius duum mflium intervallo, flxque quam 
occultissume potest cum omnibus copiis opperitur. sed ubi 4 
dies coepit et Numidae nihil bostile metuentes multi oppido 
egressi, repente omnem equitatum et cum eis vdodssumos 
pedites cursu tendere ad Capsam et portas obddere iubet 

soddnde ipee intentus propere sequi neque milites praedari 
sinere. quae postquam oppidani cognovere, res trepidaed 
metus ingens malum inprovisum, ad hoc pars civium extra 
moenia in hostium potestate coegere uti deditionem facerent 
ceterum oppidum incensum, Mumidae puberes interfecti, aUi 

sjomne* vencndaii, praeda mOitibus divisa. id fadnus contra 7 
ius belH non avaritia neque scelere consulis admissum, sed 
quia locus Iugurthae opportunus, nobis aditu diifidlis, genus 
hominnm mobfle infidum, ante neque benifido neque metu 



j» 02. Postquam tantam rem Marius sine uflo suoram incom- 
modo . . . . magnus et cbrus antea maior atque darior haberi 
ooepit omnia non bene consulta in virtutem trahebantur, % 
***&*** r***A*m*i\ imnerio habiti simui et locunletes ad cadum 



92-43. DB BBLLO IUGURTHINO. 155 

• 

ferre, Numidae magis quain mortalem timere, poetremo otn- 
nes, aodi atque hostea, credere illi aut mentem divinam esae 

• aut deorum nutu cuncta portendL 8cdconsul,ufaiearesbene 
evenit» ad alia oppida pergit, pauca xepugnantibus Numidis 
capit,plura. . . .propterC^psensfamimiseriaaignioonnimpit:! 

• luctu atque caede omnia conplentur. denique multis lods po- 
titus ac pkrisque exercitu incmento, aliam rem aggrediturnon 
eadem asperitate qua Capsenstum, ceterum hand secus diffi- 
cilem. 

• Namque haud longe a flumine Mulucha, quod Iugurthae 10 
Bocchique regnum diiungebat, erat inter ceteram planitiem 
mons saxeus mediocri castello satis patens, in inmensum , 
editus uno perangusto aditu relicto: nam omnis natura velut 

opere atque consulto praeceps. quem locum Marius, quod 
ibi regis thesawj erant» summa vi capere intendit sed ea res t| 

7 forte quam consilio melius gesta. nam castello virorum atque 
armorum satis et magna vis frumenti et fons aquae; aggeribus 
turribusque et altis machinationibus locua inportunus, iter 
casteUanoram angustum admodum, utrimque praecisum • . . • 

8 vineae cum ingenti periculo frustra agebantur. nam cum eae se 

9 paulo processerant, igni aut lapidibus conrumpebantur, milites 
neque prp opere conaistere propter iniquitatem loci neque 
inter vineas sine periculo administrare : optumus quisque 
cadere aut sauciari, ceteris metus augeri. 88. at Marius mul- 
tis diebus et laboribus consumptis anxiua trahere cum animo %% 
suo omitteretne inceptum, quoniam frustra erat, an fortunam 

8 opperiretur, qua saepe prospere usus nierat quae cum 
multos dies noctisque aestuana agitaret, forte quidam Ligua 
ex cohortibua auxiliariis miies gregarius castris aquatum 
egressus haud procul ab latere castelli, quod avorsum proe-jo 
liantibus erit, animum advortit inter saxa repentis cocleas, 
quarum cum unam atque alteram, dein pluxts peteret, studio 
legundi paulatim prope ad snmmum montia egressus e$L 



156 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 03-94. 

obt postquam solitudinem inteHexit» more ingeni humani cu- 8 
pido difiSdlia fadundi . . . . et forte in eo loco grandis ilex 4 
coaluerat inter saxa, pauhun modo prona, deinde inflexa atque 
aucta in altitudinem, quo cuncta gignentium natura fert cuius 

§ ramis modo modo eminentibua saxis nisus Ligus in castelli 
planitietn pervenit, quod cuncti Numidae intenti proeliantibus 
aderant exploratis omnibus quae mox usui fore ducebat, 6 
eadem regreditur non temere, uti adscenderat, sed temptans 
omnia et drcumspidens. itaque Marium propere adit, acta 

aoedocet» hortatur ab ea parte, qua ipse adsccnderat, casteUum 
temptet, poOicetur sese itincris periculique ducem. Marius7 
cum Ligurc promissa eius cognitum ex praesentibus misit, 
quorum uti cuiusque ingenium crat, ita rem difficilem ant 
facDem nuntiavere. consulis animus tamen paulum adrectus. 

isitaque ex copia tubicinum et cornicinum numero quinques 
quam velocissumos delegit ct cum eis praesidio qui forent 
quattuor centuriones» omnisque Liguri parere iubet et ei 
negotio proxumum diem constituit 94. scd ubi ex prae- 
cepto tempus visum, paratis conpositisque omnibus ad locum 

sopergit ceterum illi, qui e centuriis erant, praedocti ab duce 
arma ornatumque mutaverant, capite atque pedibus nudis, uti 
prospcctus nisusque per saxa fadlius foret : super terga gladii 
ct scuta, verum ea Numidica ex coriis, ponderis gratia simul 
et offensa quo kvius streperent igitur praegrediens Ligus 9 

sjsaxa et aiquae vetustae radices eminebant laqueis vindebat, 
quibus adlevati milites facilius escenderent, interdum timidos 
insokntia itineris levare manu, ubi paulo asperior ascensus 
erat, singulos prae sc inermos mittere, deinde ipse cum illo- 
rum armis sequi, quae dubia nisul videbantur potissumus 

jotemptare ac saepius eadem ascendens descendensque, dein 
atatim digrediens, ceteris andaciam addcre, igitur diu mul- i 
tnmoue fatiirati **n/Wm in fatfflhwfl DcrveniunL desertum ab 
ea narte. onod ««»«*■ nmt gtijg di»fm advonum hoatis ad- 



V 



&4-0& DB BELLO TXKORTHINO. 15? 

erant Marius ubi ex nuntiis quae Ligus egerat cognovit, 
quamquam toto die intentos proelio Numidas habuerat, tmn 
vcro cohortatus milites et ipsc extim vincas egressus, testndine " 

acta succcdcre ct simnl hostcm tonnentit sagittariisque et 

4 fhnditoribus eminus terrere. at Numidae saepe antea vineisf j 
Romanorum subvonis item incensis, non castelli moenibus 

aese tutabantur, scd pio muro dies noctisque agitare, mafe 
diccrc Romanis ac Mario vecordiam obiectare, mifitibus 
noetris Iugurthae servitium minari, secundis rebus fcroces esse. » 

* interim omnibus Romanis hostibusque prodio intentis, magna i* 
utrimque vi pro gloria atque imperio his fllis pro sahte cer- * 
tantibus repente a tergo signa canere : ac primo mulieres et ** j 
pucri, qui visum processerant, fugere, deinde uti quisque muro 

• proxumus erat, postremo cuncti armati inermesque, quod 

ubi accidit, eo acrius Romani instare, fundere ac plerosque 15 ] 

tantum modo sauciarc, dein super occisorum corpora vadere* | 

avidi gloriae pertantes murum petere neque quemquam om- 
nium praeda morari. sic forte correcta Mari temeritas gloriam I 

ex culpa invenit 

96. Ceteium dum ea res geritur, L. Sulk quaestor cum mag- so ; 

noequitatu incastravenit,quosutiexLatio et a sociis cogeret j 

5 Romae reHctus erat sed quoniam nos tanti viri res admcH 

nuit, idoneum visum est de natura cultuquc eius pauds dicere. . 

neque enim alio loco de SuDae rebus dicturi sumus et L» 1 

Sisenna,optume et diligentissume omnium qui eaa res dixere sj 
persecutus,parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur. ( 

t Igitur Sulla gentis patriciae nobilis fiiit famiKa iam prope . • 

extincta maiorum ignavia, litteris Graeds et Latinis iuxta 
atque doctissumi eruditus, animo ingenti, cupidus voluptatum * 

sed gloriae cupidior, otio hixurioso esse: tamen ab negotiis j» 
numquam vohiptas remorata, nisi quod de uxore potuit bo- £ 
nestius consuli; facundus caUidus et amidtia fadlis» ad ! 

tinm* 0, Hfl neirotia altitiido Itigwnl jnerftriibilif. wmfr*mm . 



158 C. SALLUSTI CRISPT 93-9 

reram ac maxume pecuniae laigitor. atque flli, fefidssun 
omnhun ante dvilem victoriam, nnmqnam super industria 
fortnna fuit, multique dubitavere fortior an felidor ess 
nam postea quae fecerit, incertum habeo pudeat an pigc 

$ magis disserere. 

90. Igitnr SuHa, uti supra dictum est, postquam b Africa 
atque in castra Mari cum equitatu venit, rudis antea et ign 
rus belli, sollertissumus omnhim in paucis tempestatibus fact 
est ad hoc milites benigne appellare, multis rogantibus al 

loper se ipse dare benificia, invitus actipere, sed ea propera 

j tius quam aes mutuum reddere, ipse ab nullo repetere, maf 

» id kborare ut illi quam plurumi deberent, ioca atque sei 

cumhunuUumis agere,in operibus in agmine atque ad vigili 

' multns adesse neque interim, quod prava ambitio solet, co 

sssulis ant cuiusquam boni famam laedere, tantum modo neq 

consQio neque manu priorem alhim pati, plerosque antevenu 

quibus rebus et artibus brevi Mario militibusque carissum 

feftus. 

97. At Iugurtha, postquam oppidum Capsam aliosq 

solocos munitos et sibi utilis, simul et magnam pecunia 
amiserat, ad Bocchum nuntios misit, quam primum in N 
snidiam copias adduceret, proeli fadundi tempus adea 
quem ubi cunctari accepit et dubium belli atque pads rati 
nes trahere, rursus uti antea proxumos dus donis conrup 
i sjipsique Mauro pollicetur Numidiae partem tertiam, si a 

Romani Africa expulsi aut mtegris suis finibus belhun co 
positum foret eo praemio inlectus Bocchus cum mag 
multitudine Iugurtham accedit ita amborum exerdtu co 
hmcto Marinm iam in hiberna profidscentem viz decur 

joparte die rehqua invadunt, rati noctem, quae iam aderat, 
vktis sibi munimento Jbre et, si vidssent, nulto impediment 
quia locorum sdentes erant,contra Romanis utrumque caso 
Ja tenebris diflkOiorem forc, igitur simul consul ex mul 



V 



97-98. DR BBLLO IUGURTHINO* 159 

de hoetium adventn cognovit et ipd hottet aderant et print- 
qatm exerdtut tnt instrui tnt ttrcintt colligere, denique 
tnteqatm sjgnmn tnt imperium ulhim tocipere qnivit, tquitet 
Mtnri ttqne Gtetuli, non tde neqne uHo moce prodi ted 
catervatim, uti qnoeqne fort congiobaverat, in nottrot incur-j 

9 runt qni omnet trepidi inprovito metn tc tamen virtutit 
memoret tnt tima capiebant ant capientit aliot ab hoetibut 
defentabant; part eqnot eacendere, obviam ire hotti b na, 
pugnt latrodnio magit qnam prodio timilit fieri, aine aignit 
tine ordinibnt equitet peditetque permixti cedere alint aliut 10 
obtruncari, multi contra advortot acerrnme pognantet ab 
tergo circnmveniri; neque virtnt neque arma tatia tegere, 
quia hottet numero phiret et undiqne drcumfusi erant deni- 
qne Romani veteret novique et_ob ea tdentet belli, siquot • 
locnt ant catus conhinxerat, orfaia facere atqne ita ab omnibnt ta 
partibut timd tecti et inttructi hostium vim sustentabant 98. 
neque in eo aspero negotio Mariua territus aut magis quam 
antea demisso animo fuit, ted cnm turma sna, quam ex fortit* 
tumit magit quam familiaritsumis paraverat, vagari pasaim 
ac modo laborantibus snis succurrere, modo hostis, nbiso 
confertissumi obstiterant, invadere; mann consulere m&iti- 
bus, quoniam imperare conturbatia omnibus non poterat . 

Siamqne diet consumptns erat, cum tamen barbari nihil re* 
mittere atque, nti reges praeceperant, noctem pro ae rati, 

% acrius instare. tnm Marius ex copia rerum consilinm trahit,sj 
atque nti suit receptui locns etset, collis dnot propinquos 
inter ae occupat, quorum in nno cattrit parum amplo fona 
aquae magnnt erat, alter ntui opportunua, qnia magna parto 

teditnt et praecept pauca mnnimenta quaerebat ceterum 
apud aqnam SuDam cnm equitibnt noctem agitare inbet, ipee jo 
ptulttim ditpersot milites(neque minns hostibus contnrbatis) ^" 
in unum contrahit, dein cunctot pleno gradn in coUem tutn 

s dndt ita regea lod difficnltate coacti prodio detenentur. 



V 

\ 



160 < C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 08-lC 

ncque tamen suos longius abire sinunt, sed utroque co 
multitudine circumdato effusi consedere. dein crebris : 
nibus factis plerumque noctis barbari more suo laetari < 
ultare, strepere vodbus et ipsi duces feroces, quia n 
jfugerant, pro victoribus agere. sed ea cuncta Romanis 
tenebris et editioribus lods facilia visu magnoque. hortaiqei 
erant 90. plurumum vero Marius inperitia bostium coni 
matus, quam maiumnm silentium haberi xubet, ne sig 
quidenx, uti per vigilias solebant, canere. deinde ubi 1 

toadventabat, defessis iam hostibus ac paulo ante somno capt 
de inproviso vigiles, item cohortium turmarum legiom 
tubidnes simul omnis signa canere, mOites clamorem to!l< 
atque portis erumpere iubet Mauri atque Gaetuli, ignoto 
borribili sonitu repente exdti,nequc fugcre neque arma cap< 

iineque omnino facere ant providere quicquam poterant: 
cunctos strcpitu clamore, nullo subveniente, nostris instan 
bos tumultu formidine terror quasi vecordia ceperat deniq 
omnes fusi fugatique, arma et signa militaria pleraque cap 
pturesque eo proelio quam omnibus superioribus interemj 

sonam somno et metu insolito inpedita fuga. 

100. Dein Marius, uti coeperat in hiberna • . • . propl 

I conxneatum in oppidis maritumis agere dccrcvcrat neq 

tamen victoria socors aut insolens factus, sed pariter atq 

in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere. Sulla tx 

sjequitatu apud dextumos, in sinistra parte A. Manlhxs cv 
funditoribua et sagittariis, praeterea cohortis Ligurum curab 
primos et extremos cum expeditis manipulis tribunos kxaver 
perfugae, minume cari et rcgionum scientissumi, hostium ii 
cxplorabant simnl consul quasi twBo inposito OT*™a pi 

jovidere, spud omnis adcMW» laudare et increpare merenf 
ipse armatus intentuaque item mflites cogebat neque sec 
atque Jter facerc, castra munire, excubitum in portas cohor 
cx lcgionibuSi pro castris equites auxfliariot mittefe, praeter 



W 



100-lOL DE BRLLO WGURTHINO. 161 

alios super vallum in munimentis locare, vigOias ipse cir- 
cumire, non tam diffidentia faturum quae imperavisset, quam 
uti militibus ezaequatus cum imperatore labor volentibus 

5 esset et sane Marius iDoque aliisque temporifaus Iugurthini 
belli pudore magis quam malo exercitum coercebat quodj 
multi per ambitionem fieri akbant, pars a pueritia oonsuetam 
duritiam et alia, quae ceteri miserias vocant, voluptati ha- 
buisse : nisi tamen res pubGca pariter ac saevissumo imperio 
bene atque decore gesta* 101« igitur quarto denique die haud 
longe ab qppido Cirta undique aimul speculatores citi seseto 

t oetendunt, qua re hostia adesse intellegitur. sed quia divorsi 
redeuntes alius ab alia parte atque omnes idem significabant, 
consul incertus quonam modo aciem instrueret, nuHo ordine 

tconmutato advorsum omnia paratus ibidem opperitur. ita, 
Iugurtham spes frustrata, qui copias in quattuor partisif 
distribuerat, ratus ez omnibus aeque aliquos ab tergo bosti- 

4bus venturos. interim Sulla, quem primum hostes attige- 
rant, cohortatus suos turmatim et quam maxume confertia 
equis ipse aliique Mauros invadunt, ceteri in loco manentes 
ab iaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere et, siqui in manus.so 

svenerant, obtruncare.. dum eo modo equites proeliantur, 
Bocchus cum peditibus, quos Voluz filius eius adduzerat 
neque in priore pugna in itmere morati adfuefant, postre* 

6 mam Romanorum adem invadupt tum Marius apud primos 
agebat, quod ibi Iugurtha cum plurumis erat dein Numidasj 
cognito Bocchi adventu clam cum paucis ad pedites convortit 
ibi Latine— nam apud Numantiam loqui didicerat— ezclamat . 
nostros frustra pugnare, paulo ante Marium sua manu inter-» 
fectum. simul gladium •angymf» oblitum ostendere, quem 
in pugna satis inpigre occiso pedite nostro cruentaveratjoi 

V quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrodtate rei quam fide 

nuntii terrentur, tjmulque barbari animos tollere et in per- 

8 culsos Romanos acrius ipcedere, iamque paulum a ftigi 



v. 



l6* C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 101-! 

yy aberant» cum Sulla» profligatis eis, quos advorsum i 
rediens ab latere Mauris incurrit Bocchus statim avort 
at Iugurtha, dum sustentare suos et prope iam adeptam 
toriam retinere cupit, circumventus ab equitibus dextra sin 
5 omnibus ocdsis, solus inter tela hostium vitabundus erui) 
atque interim Marius fugatis equitibus adcurrit auzilio 
quos pdli iam acceperat denique hostes iam undique 
tum spectaculum horribile in campis patentibus : sequi fu ( 
occidi capi, equi atque viri adflicti, ac multi volneribus 

itceptis neque iugere posse neque quietem pati, niti modc 

statim concidere, postremo omnia, qua visus erat, const 

telis armis cadaveribus et inter ea humus infecta sanguine, 

102. Post ea loci consul haud dubie iam victor perven 

oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat eo 

15 diem quintum quam iterum barbari male pugnaverant legs 
Boccho veniunt, qui regis verbis ab Mario petivere, < 
quam fidissumos ad eum mitteret, vdle de se et de pc 
Romani commodo cum eis disserere. ille statim L. Sul 
et A. Manlium ire hibet qui quamquam acciti ibant, tu 

so pbcuit verba apud regem facere, uti ingenium aut avor 
flecterent aut cupidum pads vehementius accenderent 
que Sulla, cuius facundiae, non aetad a Manlio concesa 
pauca verba huhiscemodi locutus. 
1 Rez Bocche, magna laetitia nobis est, cum te talem vi 

s* di monuere, uti aliquando pacem quam bellum malles, ne 
optumum cum pessumo omnium Iugurtha miscendo con 
culares, simul nobis demeres acerbam necessitudinem, pai 
te errantem atque iflum acdcrartssnmum persequL ad 
populo Romano iam a principio inopi mdius visum am 

joquam servos quaerere, tutiusque rad volentibua quam coa 
imperitare. tibi vero nulia opportunior nostra amidtia, 
nnBi quia procul absumus, in quo ofiensae minumum, gr 
nar mc ai imoe adeasemna : Amn iniia narentes abunde hfl 



1 



108-108. DB BRLLO 1UGURTHIN0. 163 



miifl» amicorum neque nobts neque cuiquam omnnim satis 
8 fiiit atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuisset : profecto 

ex populo Romano ad hoc tempus multo plura bona ac- 
• cepisses, quam mala perpessus es. et quoniam humananim 

rerum fortuna pleraque regit, cui sciHcet placuit et vim etj 

grmtiam nostram te experiri, nunc quando per illam licet» 

10 festina " atque ut coepisti perge. multa atque opportuna 

11 habes, qua fadUus errata offidis superes. postremo hoc in 
pectus tuum demitte, numquam popuhim Romanum benificiis 
victum esse. nam bello quid valeat tute sda/ 10 

18 Ad ea Bocchus pladde et benigne» simul pauca pro ddicto 
suo verba fadt : se non hostili animo, sed ob regnum tutan- 

lt dum arma cepisse. nam Numidiae partem, unde vi Iugurtham 
expulerit, iure belli suam factam. eam vastari a Mario pati 
nequivisse. praeterea missis antea Romam legatis repulsum 15 

14 ab amidtia. ceterum vetera omittere; actutum, si per 

19 Marium liceret, legatos ad senatum missurum. dein copi 
facta animus barbari ab amicis flezus, quos Iugurtha, cognita 
legatione Sullae et Manli metuens id quod parabatur, donis 
conruperat to 

108« Marius interea exerdtu in hibernaculis conpodto 
cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proficisdtur in 
loca sola obsessum Turrim Regiam, quo Iuguxtha perfugas 

8 omnis praesidium imposuerat tum rursus Boochus seu re- 
putando quae sibi duobus prodiis venerant seu admonitns ab 15 
aliis amicis, quos inconruptos Iugurtha reliquerat, ex omni 
oopia necessarionim quinque delegit, quorum et fides cognita 

% et ingenia validissuma erant eos ad Marium ac deinde, si 
placeat, Romam legatos ire iubet, agundarum rerum et quo- 

4 cumque modo belli conponundi licentiam ipsis permittit flfijo 
mature ad hiberna Romanorum proficiscuntur, deinde in 
itinere a Gaetulis latronibus drcumventi spoliatiquey pavidi 
sine decore ad SuDam perfughmt, quem consul in expeditio* 

x a 



* 
** 



v. 



t 






164 C. SALLVSTZ CRISPI 

1 

\ nem proficiscens pro praetore reliquerat eos ille non 

r vanis hostibus, uti meriti erant^sed adcurate ac liben 

habuit qua re barbari et famaTavaritiae Romanorum fai 

et SuHam ob munificentiam in sese amicum ratL nam e 

\ jtum largitio multb ignota erat, munificus nemo putat 

y nisi pariter volens, dona omnia in benignitate habeba] 

igitur quae8tori mandata Bocchi patcfaciunt: simul al 

petunt uti fautor consultorque sibi adsit, copias fidem 1 

nitudinem regis sui et alia, quae aut utilia aut benivolei 

toesse credebant, oratione extolhint dein Sulla omnia poU 

docti, quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum v 

facerent, circiter dies quadraginta ibidem opperiuntur. 

104. Marius ubi infecto quo intenderat negotio Cii 
rediit et de adventu legatorum certior factus est, illosqu 

15 SuDam ab Utica venire hibet, item L. Billienum praetoi 

praeterea omnis undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum n 

data Bocchi cognosdt legatis potestas Romam eundi fi 

consule, interea indutiae pottulabantur. ea SuHae et pl 

* que placuere, pauci ferodus decernunt, scilicet ignari re 

sohumanannn, quae fluxae et mobiles semper in advorsa 

tantur. oeterum Mauri impetratis omnibus tres Roc 

t profecti cum Cn. Octavio Rusone, qui quaestor stipend 

in Africam portaverat, duo ad regem redeunt ex eis Boc< 

cum cetera tum mazume benignitatem et studium Si 

sjlubensaccepit Romae legatis dus, postquam errasse rej 

et Iugurthae scekre lapsum deprecati sunt, amidtiam et ; 

I dus petentibus hoc modo respondetur: 'senatns et pop 

Romanus benifid et iniuriae memor esse solet cetei 

BocchOj quoniam paenitet, ddicti gratiam £acit: foedui 

jorimkitia dabontur, cum meruerit' 

105. Quis xebus oognitis Bocchus per litteras a Mi 
petiverat uti SuDam ad se mi tteret, cuhis aibitratu de a 
— twfliw^ nesotSa consukretnr. ia mitmf cum nmesi 

I 



105-107. DE BELLO 1UGVRTHIH0. 165 

equitum atque peditum, item fiinditonim Bakarium. prae* 
terea iere sagittarii et cohora Paeligna cum veHtaribus annis, 
itinexit properandi causa, neque hit secus atque aliis armis 

% advoraus tela hostium, quod ea levia sunt» munitL sed in 
itinere quinto denique die Volux filius Boochi repente inj 
campis patentibus cum mille non amplius equitibos sese 
ostendit, qui temere et efiuse euntes Sullae aliisque omnibus 
et numenim ampliorem vero et hostilem metum efSciebant 

tigitur se quisque ezpedire, arma atque tela temptare in- 
tendere, timor aliquantus sed spes amplior quippe victoribus to 

5 et advoraum eos, quos saepe vicerant interim equites ex- 
ploratum praemissi rem uti erat quietam nuntiant 106. Vo- 
lux adveniens quaestorem appellat dicitque se a patre Boccho 
obviam illis simul et praesidio inissum. deinde eum et 

* proxumum diem sine metu coniuncti eunt post ubi castra 15 
locata et diei vesper erat, repente Maurus incerto voltu 
pavens ad Sullam adcurrit dicitque sibi ex speculatoribus ' 
cognitum Iugurtham haud procul abesse; simul uti noctu 

t clam secum profugeret rogat atque hortatur. ille animo " 
feroci negat se totiens fiisum Numidam pertimescere ; virtudso 
suorum satis credere ; etiamsi certa pestis adesset, mansurum 
potius quam proditis, quos ducebat, turpi fiiga incertae for- 

4 sitan post paulo morbo interiturae vitae parceret ceterum 
ab eodem monitus uti noctu proficiscerentur, consilium ad- 
probat ac statim milites cenatos esse in castris, ignis quamas 
creberrumos fieri, dein prima vigilia sflentio egredi iubet 

• iamque noctumo itinere fessis omnibus Sulla pariter cum ortu 
solis castra metabatur» cum equites Mauri nuntiant Iugurtham 

6 drciter duum milhun intervallo ante eos consedisse. quod 
postquam auditum est, tum vero ingens metus nostros in-jo 
vadit : credere se proditos a Voluce et insidiis drcumventos. 
ac fiiere qui dicerent manu vindicandum neque apud ilium 
tantum scehis inultum idinquendum. 107. at Sulla, quam- 



v. 



i 

« 

i 

* 166 c. sallustt cxjsp/ 107-] 

t ' 

j qoam eadem existumabat, tamen ab iniuria Maurum prohi 

) 8UO8 hortatur uti fortem animum gererent : saepe antea pa 

} strenuift advorsum multitudinem bene pugnatum ; quanto 

: in proelio minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore, nec qu 

| squam decere, qui manus armaverit, ab inermis pedi 

\ a anxilium petere, in maxumo metu nudum et caecum coi 

} • ad hoetis vortere. dein Volucem, quoniam hostilia fac< 

k Iovem maTumnm obtestatus, ut sceleris atque perfi< 

m l Bocchi testis adesset, ex castris abtre iubet ille lacruir 

loorare ne ea crederet; nihil dolo factum ac magis callidi 

v Iugurthae, cui videlicet speculanti iter suum cognitum « 

; ceterum quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem habere 

spes opesque eius ex patre suo penderent, credere iUum 1 

: palam ausurum, cum ipse filhis testis adesset qua re 

ijtnmum factu videri per media ehis castra palam trani 

' i sese vel praemissis vel ibidem relictis Mauris solum < 

Sulla iturum. ea res uti in tali negotio probata. ac sts 

I profecti, quia de inproviso acciderant, dubio atque haesiu 

j Iugurtha incolumes transeunt, deinde pauds diebus quo 

! so intenderant perventum est 

• 108. Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam Aspar nomine r 

i tnm et fiunOiariter agebat, praemissus ab Iugurtha, postqt 

| Sullam acdtum andierat, orator et subdole speculatum Bo 

1 consilia ; praeterea Dabar Massugradae filius ex gente M 

ajnissae, ceteram materno genere inpar — nam pater ehis 
ooncubina oitus erat — Mauro ob ingeni multa bona o 
acceptusque. quem Bocchus fidum esse Romanis multis i 
tempfotadbus expertus ilico ad Sullam nnntiatnm mittit p 
tnm sese facere quae populus Romanus vellet, conloquio d 
jolocum tempus ipse delegeret, oonsnlta sese omnia cum 
integnt habere, neu Iugurthae legatum pertimesceret, . 
quo res conmunis hcentius gereretur: nam ab instdiis 
afiter caveri nequivisse. sed ego conperior Boochum m 



♦ 



V 



108-110. ( DR BSLLO IUGURTHIMk 167 

Punica fide qoam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romamnn 
et Numidam spe pacts attinnisse multnmque cum animo soo 
volvere solitum» Iugurtham Romanis an Uli Sullam traderet, 
hibidincm advorsnm nos, metnm pro nobis snasisse. 100. igi- 
tor SuOa respondit panca coram Aspare locuturum, ceteraj 
occulte ant nulb ant quam paudssumis praesentibus. simul 

% edocet quae sibi responderentur. postquam sicuti votuerat 
congressi, didt se missnm a consule venisse quaesitnm ab eo 

t pacem an belhun agitaturus foret tum rex, uti praeceptum . 
faerat, post diem decumum redire hibct ac nihil etiam tnm ia 
dccrevisse, sed ilk> die responsuram. deinde ambo in sua 
castra digressi sunt sed ubi pleramque noctis processit, 
Sulla a Boccho occulte accersitur. ab utroque tantum modo 
fidi interpretes adhibentur, praeterea Dabar intemuntius, 

. sanctns vir et ex sententia ambobus, ac statim sic rexi* 
indpit 

110. ' Numquam ego ratus sum fore uti rex maxumus in hac 
terra et omnium, quos novi, privato homini gratiam deberenu 

9 et mehercule, Sulla, ante te cognitum multis orantibos, aliis 

a ultro egomet opem tuli, nullius indiguL td inminutum, quod so 
ceteri dolere solent, ego laetor. fuerit mihi egtiisse aliquando 
predum tuae amicitiae, qua apud animum meum nihil carius 

4 habeo. id adeo experiri licet arma viros pecuniam, pos- 
tremo quidquid animo lubet, sume utere et, quoad vives, num- 
quam tibi mlditam gratiamputaveris, semper apud me integra a$ 

5 erit; denique nihil me sdente frustra voles. nam, ut ego 
aestumo, regem armis quam munificentia vind minus fla- 

egitiosum est ceterum de re publica vostra, cuius curator 

huc missus es, pauds acdpe. beDum ego popuk) Romano 

neque fed neque fiwtum umquam volui: at finis tneos advor*ao 

7 sum armatos armis tutatus sum. id omitto, quando vobis ita 

a placet gerite quod voltis cum Iugurtha bellum. ego flumen 

Mulucham, qnod inter me et Miripsam fuit, non egrediar * 



I 

* 






168 C. SALLUSTI CRISPI 110-1 

neque id intrure Iugurtham sinam. praeterea siquid me< 
vobssque dignum petiveris, haud repulsus abibis/ 

UL Ad ea SuDa pro se breviter et modice, de pace et 
communibus rebus multis disseruit denique regi patefc 
squod poOiceatur, senatum et populum Romanum, quoni 
armis amplius valuissent, non in gratiam habituros. faci 
dum aliquid,quod illorum magis quam sua retulissevideret 
id adeo in promptu esse, quoniam copiam Iugurthae habe 
quem si Romanis tradidisset, fore ut illi plurumum deberet 

toamicitiam foedus Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, ti 
ultro adventuram. rex primo negitare, cognationem aflSn 
tem, praeterea foedus intervenisse. ad hoc metuere ne fli 
fide usus popularium animos avorteret, quis et Iugurtha ca 
et Romani invisi erant denique saepius fatigatus lenitur 

ijex voluntate Sullae omnia se factumm promittiu ceterum 
shnulandam pacem, cuhis Numida defessus bello avidissui 
erat, quae utilia visa constituunU ita conposito dolo di{ 
diuntur. 112. at rex postero die Asparem Iugurthae legat 
appellat didtque sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum, pc 

socondicionibus beDum poni; quam ob rem regis sui sent 
tiam exquireret ille hetus in castra Iugurthae proficisci 
deinde ab Qlo cuncta edoctus properato itinere post dl 
octavum redit ad Bocchum et ei nuntiat Iugurtham cup 
omnia quae imperarentur facere, sed Mario parum confide 

s| saepe antea cum imperatoribus Romanis pacem convent 
frustra fuisse. oeterum Bocchus si ambobus consultum 
ntam pacem vellet, daret operam ut una ab pmnibus qi 
de pace in coDoquium veniretur ibique sibi Sullam trade 
cum talem virum in potestatem habniasct, tum fore uti iu 

josenatus aut populi foedus fieret, neque hominem nobilem x 
sua ignavia sed ob rem pubficam in hostium potestate relkt 
iiL 118. haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem p 
misb, ceterum dolo aa vere cunctatus panm conperin 



113-114. DE BELLO 1UGURTH1N0. 169 

ted plerumque regiae vohintates ut vehementes «c mobfles, 
s saepe ipsae sibi advonae. postea tcmpore et loco constituto 
in colloquium uti de pace veniretur, Bocchus SuUam modo 
modo Iugurthae legatum appdlare, benigne habere, idem 
ambobus poUicerL flli pariter laeti ac spei bonae pleni esse.5 
% sed nocte ea, quae prozuma fuit ante, diem coUoquio decre- 
tum, Maurus adhibitis amicis ac statim inmutata voluntate 
remotis didtur secum ipse multum agitavisse 9 voltu et ocuHs 
pariter atque animo varius : quae scilicet tacente ipso occulta 

4 pectoris patefedsse. tamen postremo Sullam accersi iubet et 10 

5 ez UUus sententia Numidae instdias tendit deinde ubi dies v 
advenit et d nuntiatum est Iugurtham haud procul abesse, 
cum paucis amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris 
causa procedit in tumulum nidlhunum visu insidiantibus. 

eeodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis suis inermis, utiij 
dictum erat, adcedit ac statim signo dato undique simul ez 
insidiis invaditur. ceteri obtruncati, Iugurtha SuUae vinctua 
traditur et ab eo ad Marium deductns est 
114. Per idem tempus advorsum GaUos ab ductbus nostris 

% Q. Caepione et Cn. ManUo male pugnatum. quo metu Italiaso 
omnis contremuit Ulimque usque ad nostram memoriam 
Romani sic habuere, aUa omnia virtuti suae prona esse, cum 

% Gallis pro salute non pro gloria certari. jBed postquam beUum 
in Numidia confectum et Iugurtham Romam vinctum addud 
nuntiatum est, Marius consul absens factus est et d decretasf 
provinda GaUia isque calendis Ianuariis magna gloria consul 

4 triumphavit. et ea tempestate spea atque opes dvitatis in 
illositae. 



NOTES 



THE CATUNARIAN CONSPRACY. 



Thx grammariani ▼axioasly refer to this treatise as the Catflina, 
Catilinae bellum, Catilinae historia, Catilinarium bellum, and Catili. 
narium. The MSS. have also difterent titlei for it» 

Quintilian remarks that the prelaces of SaQnat are inappropriate, 
•nihil ad hiatoriam pcrtinentibas principiia orsas eat* (3. 10). He 
might also have critidsed the undue length of the general remarks ia so 
short a treatise, 

P. 49, 1. 1. omals, for the accas.plur. of t-stems, whichmakethe 
gen. plur. ia ium, the mscriptions from the time of the Gracchi to 
the death of J. Caesar gwe forms ending in -*>, -*&, -a in nearly equal 
proportions. The later copy of the old Columna rostrata of the First 
Punic War has • Cartadniensis»' 'ckseia,' and •na^alea/ pointing thus 
to indecision in early times. The original termination seems to hare 
been •ins, shortened afterwards into -w, and thcn passing into -w, and 
finally after the Angnstan Age into *«. Bat ln consonantal stems the 
acc plur. seems to hare ended in *s from early times: thns we hare 
•opsidcs* (soon after aoo B.c), 'pedes' (^33 to isi B.C), 'hominee,' 
' leges/ ' patres,' etc (Corssen, Aussprache, x. 740). 

eeaa student. The ose of the pronoun wjth verbs like 'stadeie,' 
'velle,' 'cupere,' though uncommon, U found in Cicero, as De OC a. 
ao, 7, *ille tenuis • . . gratnm se rideri stndet,' as well as in older writers 
like Caelras Antipater (ap. Festam), 'ita nti sese quiaqne Tobis studeat 
aemulari,' or Plautas, Asin. 1. 3, 'Tult placere sese amicae.' 

L a. sflcntio, 'unnoticed.' CC Tac Agr. 6. 4, 'idem praetnrae 
tenor et silentium.' 

Ttanm trsnaaant, an nnnsnal phrase Ibr 'degere ritam.' CtTac 
Agr. 6. 3, •tribuaatus annum quiete ettotio transit.' ' 

L 3. parona> 'eaith-regarding,* na amplified by Jurenal (13. 147), 
'Cuiusegeatprooaetterramspectantia.' 



V. 



17 % CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L 4. eed. The inscriptions before 45 B.C. commonly ihow 1 
<f mwordslike'sed,* 'apud,''aliud,'bottowardstheendof theRq 
tbe /seems to take a thinner soond, and / appears in its place , 
•set/ 'haut/ become more freqoent in the inscriptions of the £1 
Dietsch always prefcrs the Jbnn 'set' in the text of Sallust, b 
msufficient eyidence* 

L 5. oorporii aerritio, enUrged by Senecat 'Qoem in hoc n 
locnm Dens obtinet, hnnc in homine animns : qnod est illic matei 
nobis corpns est : senriant ergo deteriora mclioribns ' (Ep. Mor. 6, 

L 6. qno • . reottae. Krits wonld make 'qoo* qoalify 'rectii 
in Jog. 85. 6, and ezplains it by an ellipse, 'quanto dii pra< 
belluis, tanto rectins yidetor, mgeni quam,* etc GrUndel (Qoaesi 
SalL p.6)comparesthe passageswhere 'eo' isnsedlike 'ideo,* as Cat 
•Sed qnia . . . eo animns ansns est;' and with a comparatiTe, ai 
13. 5, 'animos . . . carebat, eo prorasios omnibns modis . . . sm 
deditus erat/ and decides that 'qo©' is also nsed in thts and 
passages for 'and therefore.' 

L 10. ftnx* atqoe fragilla, 'fleeting and fraiL' 
rirtaa. 'By ▼irtue SaUnst meant mnch the same as the Iti 
of the Renaissance, tbe habit of keeping worthy objects in sigh! 
betng strennons in pnrsnit of them,' Simcox, LaL Ut 1. aso. 
below, s. 9. 

habetnr, not merely 'b accounted' bnt *is a possesdon.' 
*andada pro mnro habetur' (58. 17). 

L 11. mortalla, Sallnst has a spedal affection for this word, 
with and withont 'molti,' while Cicero commonly nses it witl 
epithet 'molti' or 'omnes.' It is constantly osed by him, as by 
and Tadtosa as a sonoroos eqeivalent for 'nomines/ and the attc 
to trace a difierent shade of meaning seem to fiul. Fronto (in 
GelL 13. s8) discnsses its ose in the old annalist Clandios Qoadrig 
and deddes that U is employed JjifciTi«6ryr, 'amplius/ 'proli 
'rodns.' 

oertamen, as in some measnre in the old dispote between 
nnd Ulysses. C£ Macae]ay v s History, yoL iy. 409: 'Never pe 
was the change which the pr o gr e ss of dvilisation has prodnced i 
art of war more strikingly ittostrated than on that day. Ajas be 
down the Trojan Jeader with a rock which two ordmary men < 
•eaicety lift, Horatios dffrnding the bridge against an army . • . 
are the heroes of a dark age. . . . At Landen two poor skkly bt 
who m a mde state of sodety wonld haye been rcgardcd as too pu 
bear any pait m combats, were the sonls of two great armies, 
had disuiHiiwl that the strength of the mnscles is mr infcrior in < 
to the strcngth of the mind. It h probablt that nmong the hv 



NOTES. CHAPS. I, i. 1J3 

and twenty thousand sokUers who were marshalled roond Neerwinden 
imder «11 the standards of Westeni Europe, the two feeblest in body were 
the hunch-becked dwarf who urged forward the nery onset of France, 
and the asthmatie skekton who covered the slow retreat of Engiand.' 

prooederet, for ' p ro tper e cedere/ as 'agitanti nihU procedit' 
(17. 3) and (Cato de R. R. 148) • totidem dks emptori procedent.' ' 

L 13. oonenlto . . fnoto, the nenter abL of partk. used as an mfin. 
The passage itself may be a remmiscence of Arist Eth. 6. 9» a • ya rre y 
WV tox* rd fiovkm/Hrra, 0t*Afs**#ei W fifMm; or of Tnne. 1. 70, 8 

f X*** . , . * eV fa rwywi, hk t# t*x"** *♦* cm yfr f* 11 1 ******** eV 
0>7rA#i. 

L 14. utnunqoo, by 'eonstractio ad sensum,* referred to the two 
alternatives of the foregoing sentence ; as Jng. 7. 5, ' proelio streunns 
erat et bonns consflio, quoram altemm ex providcntia timorem, altemm 
ex audada temeritatem adfcrre • . solet' 

L 15. egot oflended early editors, who changed it to * veget/ becansn 
of the seeming repetition aftcr 'indigens;* bnt the partkipk is not taken 
immediateiy with the verb, *both are of themselves mcompkte and 
each needs the other*s help.' 

o. 8. regoa . . pare . . alil • . oxoroebant. For this apposition of 
whole and parts cf. Jng. 104. 3, ' Manri . . . tres . . • dno redeunt.' 

L 16. diTorai retains its participial meaning, as Livy 10.44, 4, 'Itaqoe 
diversi, Papiriusad Sepinnm Canrilins ad Veliam oppngnandam legiones 
ducunL' 

pnm is frequently opposed by Sallnst to 'alii/ 'multi,' 'pauci,* ia 
order to give Uveliness to the sentence, and it is often directly con- 
nected with mascoline adjectives and piural verbs by a 'constmctio ad 



history were a blank before the times of Cyrus. Herodotus might at 
least have told him of the fiune of the Assyrian and Median empires, to 
say nothing of the Lydian monarchy and its conqncsts on the west of 
AemMmor. 
L si. rnaTnmam, The older inscriptions of the JLepublic generaUy. 



L 17. onpiditato. Tnis form is rarely used by SaUust, who prefers 
4 cnpido/ which Cicero and Caesar avoid. 

agitabatar. This is the most common of the iavourite freqoenta- • 

tives of Sallust, and is used with ' imperium,' 'pacem,* ' bellum,' ' gau- j 

dium," etc* or even without a case, where other writen would employ a ; 

less exprcssive term. Ctapassageof TadtuspossUysuggestedbythis j 

(Ann. 3. a6» 1), ' Vetustissimi mortalium nulla adhuc mala Ubidine, j 

sine probro» scelere eoqne sine poena aut coercitionibus agebant' 1 

L 19. Oyrna. TheRoman writersofthis time had Uttk knowkdge v * 

of the earlier empires of the East, and Saliust therefore speaks as if J 

i 
t 



. "\ 



I 



174 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

prefer tfae m to i in snffix fonns like 'maxumne/ 'aeetnmo/ thongli 
mTariably. The eonnd waa an intermediate one between m ai 
QnmtiL 1. 4, 7, 'medins est qnidam inter u et t sonns/ 

L ai. pntare, It U apecnliarity of Sallnst to nse this word with 
where other writers wonld havc ' ponere in/ cg. 19. a ; 45. 4 ; 

53-3- 

L aa. perioolo atque negotila, perhapa a translation of the 
**«■•> mal «rfteVwr of Thnc 1. 70, 9. 

L 33. imperatoruxn, not to be taken here in the *fdinkfll aeni 
Roman nsage of 'militaiy commanders/ bnt generaUy of 'rnlers' 
'imperinm 9 abore, wbich in its strict sense implies the power ol 
anddeathaJcomparedwiththedril'potestaV * 

P. 50, L 1. •eqnnbUiiia, etc ImiUted by Tacitns (Ann. 
ai, 5), 'quae si arceantnr aeq. atque const. prorindae regentnr/ 

L 4. arttcraa, a Tery iavonrite word of Sallnst for • practices/ 'a 
ofaction.' So Lrry (Praef. 6"), • per qnoa Tiroe, quibusqne artibns i 
militiaeqnc et partnm et anctnm imperium sit/ 

L 6. iirrasere, here aa 10. 6 abeolutely : more often with acc o 
object, aa 5. 6; Jng. ja. 4. Cicero connects a prepec with it 

L 9. quae arant, etc, 'the labonrs of the plough/ etc *Q 
likefcnc 

L 10. perent C£ Hor. Sat a. 3, 94, 'Omnia enim res | ri 
fama, decns diTina hnmanaqoe pnlcris | dmtiis parent' 

dediti Tentri atqne eomno, imitated by Tac Germ. 15. i, 
diti aomno dboqnc* 

Ln. pe*ea?inaatec. Corsaen (1. 776) explams 'peregri' 1 
locatrve - 'in other lands/ composed of 'per' and 'ager/ the ' 
beingas in "perinms/ •perendie/ 'perperam/ connected with the & 
'paiaj/'other/orthe Oecan 'penim^aundered/ From this o 
onr word 'pOgruV bnt the associations of the Biblical pl 
'strangers and pilgrinM*are Tery onlike thoseof the text Cf. Sc 
Ep. 90, ■ hoc a me exige, ne Telut per tenebras aerum ignobile enx 
nt agam vitam, non nt praetervehar/ 

L ta. oontra neturem. Thia points perhaps to the Stolc ral 
life •natnrae conTenienter TiTere/ which waa interpieted in an as 



L 1* aestumo, compoondcd of (1) •aes/ c£ Verr. Flacc Fest p 
'a fsrimata poenaab antiqnia ab aere dicta cst, qni eam aestimaTi 
aeref the metal ia common nse waa at fint weigfaed as'aes r 
afterwards stamped, 'aes signatnm': (a) • ti-inajc'from aroot foui 
T<^*titidtts,''TTtns'(clQ)fasen t Beitra^^o). Withthiscom 

nee of • dcliberare • from • Hbra/ 

L 14. rmum eninTaro, a rhetorical pleonasm like 'cka fbr 



* t 



TfOTJRS. CHAPS.2,l. 175 ' 

•forts temere,* •rursus norns de integro,' - non unquam aliaa ante/ m 1 

livy, or'imoenimTero'of Acdusap.Cic.Tusc. 1.44. 

L 15. negotio intentna. The abL case presents tomedifficnltj: In 1 

other pastages, at Jug. 89, 9. •aliis negotiis intentum,' and 94« 3, *in- | 

tentos proelio,' the cate It nncertain: in Jug. 44. 3, 'expectatione I 

crentut dTium animot intentos putabat,' the parndpial 1— iji»j ( 

'strained/ • esdted,' it apparent Bnt here alto the 'aegotio' may be 
taken at the cante and not merely the object of 'intentus,' and we | 

may certainly reject the saggetted 'aliqnoi' at the archaic datta Ibr 
'aliqua' ! 

L 16. in magna oopia, 'aa the oppottnnitiet are many,' pregnant 
senseof 'm'as w Jug. 14. 11, 'taimperio vestra' 

1. 17, o, $• pnlohrnm. The old form of this it 'polcer/ the firtt 
syllable of which occnrs in '/tfre/ the tecond in 'ludW/ which- 
'merry-making' (Cortten, s. 150). It occnrs in intcriptiont both with t 
and withont an A. j 

1. 18. abenrdnm, connected by Cortten (1. 488) with Old Lat j 
'sardare'— 'speak' or 'reason* (c£ Naerius aa Festum, 'quod brnti 
nec tatit saidare qucant'), and with 'susurrus,' 'sorex,' fSjtrtf. He 
distingnishet it from *surdus* from a root * t▼ar , (in Sansk. 'sraras'» 
'weight'), so 'heavy,' 'duiL' 

The litotes of 'haud abs/ is like that aj. 1, 'haud obtcnro loco: 9 or i 

Jng. 8. 1, 'Iugurthae non mediocrem animnm.* j 

Ttl paoe toI balla Where thete ablarJTCs occnr separately in | 
Saliust, they*are nsed with the prepos. * in/ except when there is an ' | 

attribnte at Jug. 5. 4, ' bello Punico tecnndo ;' thnt below (9. 4), *quod j 

in bello . . . in pace Tero.' | 

Lio.feoere. The official intcriptiont from thetimeof theGracchi 1 

to that of Caetar always kept the full form of the perfect in **runt, j 

and the intcriptiont which have <rt were generally made in conatry \ 
districts. It teemt therefore that the caltiTated language of the dty 

prcferred the •cnmt, while the common folk nted the *nr. Cato, 1 
Sallust, and Fronto liked the people't use, bnt Ckero and Caesar pre- 

ferred the offidal form ; cL Corsten, 1. 187. j 

L ai. anotorem is bctter attested than the'actorem*ofsomeMSS. j 

It it alto more idiomatic at nsed fbr the 'agent/ when legarded at the j 
cause of his own actt; c£ Cic. Orat s. 47, 194, 'neqne actor catem ' *• \ 
alienae personae, ted anctor meae/ 

L sa, ardnuxn. AuL Gellius (4. 15, *), qnoting the whole pattage, 
tayt that it wat objected to by tome critkt on the ground that the 
want of tympathy on the part of the readers might make the woik of 
the historian a thanklest bnt not a MjkmU task. He answors that 

•aronum'Unsedheremthesenseo/'trfwMfaome > , lwx^ 



I 



176 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L 23. ozs*gon&dn» 'to be matched,' whether by the standan 
truth» as modern canons would lequire, or of brilliancy, on w 
andent rhetoric laid more stress. Cfc Pliny, Ep. 8. 4. 3, 'una, 
inaxima difficultas, qnod haee aequare diosndo arduum.' 

L 34. malirolentia. The form in 1 seems to be more commo 
older inscriptions for words like 'benindum,' 'beniroleBtia,' etc* 
the MSS. potnt to a preference for this spelling on the part of the c 
dramatists, though the fashion changed after the Augustan Age. I 
ncedlcssly objects to the i on a priori grounds. 

obft da magnn rirtute. Imitated from Thuc, 1. 35, 5 P*XP* 
rorfc eVurroi «I I roirel «fa wtpl Mpo* Xryo>«r«, h oW ar *oi « 
Icotfrot ofuro* ieeroi «frw o>«W n «V *>*»*«• rf* M tmpfiAX) 
«wrAr o * or o C r m f8u a«2 driOTov* «r. 
t L a^. memores. Cicero commonly uses • commemorare,' and 

| sddom 'memorare,* which Sallust prefcrslike Liry and the poets. 

L 96. supTfte*. Kritsiefmthesewordstothe'putat*inthed 
before, but it seems simpler to ezplain it as a case of brachylog] 
•ea quae supr* ea sunt' Cf. Cic Orat 1. 4* *in poetb non H01 
soli locns est • . • sed horum rel secundis rel etiam infina secun 
(ap. Const). 
L a8. aduUsoentulus, used as in c 38. 1, more loosely than foi 
1 age of serenteen when the ' toga puerilis* was changed. This pai 

seems to hare been suggested by one in the yth of the letters asa 
to Flato ; rlor . . . «oAAoir ty raeroV «Vb# or* *ty*V . . . M rd wom 
w 6 k n m cirvr Urmu Eef jnm rexat wit rQw rft w&cejr wpayp 
\ r w a fl t «e/cVtffor. 

stoutl pleriquo, There were scarcely any professional caree 

* - Rome disconnected with political life, and the only riral pursui 

men of energy and good connexions was money-making througt 
t commercial speculations and jotnt-stock sodeties. Lawyers and sol 

i wcre political partiians : medidne and the fine arts were left to Gi 

and freedmen, and the priesthood prorided no distinct career. 
atodio . . Utua sum, 'threwmytelf with passion.* CXCid 

Am. 39. 91, 'ut omnes mtelligant me non studio accusare sed o 

defendere,' Thft 'l ■ftndto' of *r1t*r *A\ttw* «mi frwm m. mUf Iffn 

of the memaing. For use of 'latus/ ct 'latus odio/ Cic pro & 
5». iii. 

L so> ftdrovsm. For the spelling, c£ QuintiL 1. 7: 'quid d 
rorticcs et rorsns, qus* priino Sdpio Anicanus in E. literam secni 
rcrtisse didtur/ 

L 31« fasolono • • «rttam. For coostruction c£ Jug. 39. 1, a 
insolita lerum bellicaram/ 

• L 33. oonrapU teno)be4ar . Ct Jug. 14.3» 'axntfsobsessus ta 



NOTSS. CHAPS. 3-5. 177 



Dietseh takes 'conrnpta ' as an abL agreeing with 'ambitione,* cither ia 
the tente of 'corrupt* or 'corraptiog,' bnt with little warrant for etther 
nte. Stenp (Rh. Mns. 1870, p. 637) snggests 'conrepta,* as he thinks 
*conmpta * too direct an tdmission of gnilt. 

P. 51, L I. morftraa, ratfcer 'behavionr 9 thaa 'character.' 
eadcmqoa» Theabl. 'Jama* it somewhat bcJd, 'caascd me to be 
dogged with the tame jealons slander as the rest/ Other readmgs hare 
been pfopoted, snch as the comma after 'cnpido* and the asjndeton of 
'eadcm qnae* in the nom, which is sapported by MS. authority; thfc . 

again wat improved into • eadcmqne qnae.' Dietsch strangely thinks tt ! 

n fnrther improvemcnt to read 'cadem eademqne qnae/ preserring at 
he thinks the balance and enphony of the whole sentence, Schone - 
pro p oses (Hermes 9. 154) to lead with the best MSS. 'copido eadea I 

qnaeceterotmnta/etc^andtokeep'reUqnb'm^ j 

L4.0.I babendam. For 'agendam,' at in the common idiom, c£ 
51. it, Jng. 85. 41, bnt it b varied in the same tentence. 

L 6. aerrllibna offloila. This disparagement of agricnltnre is op- | 

posed to the spirit of old Roman iUe, which reprctented itt heroes and 
statesmen as called from the plongh. thongh the agricnltnral interest 
steadily decUned nnder the Repoblic, The contempt implied for fieM '• | 

tportt it a more marked contrast to modern fceling. It is saM that 
Sdpto Aemilianns was distingnished from others of hU day by his tastt 
for them which he formed in the royal preserves of Macedonia. Pliny 
the Yonnger indeed speaks of hnnting as a more mshionable pnrsnit 
bnt he is carerol to carry with him literary materials when he goes . 
for a day*s sport (5. 18). 

L o. oarptlm, 'selecting here and there,' as distmgnished from the 
continnons narrative of a Livy. So Piiny, Ep. 8. 4, 7, • lespondebis non 
pceseperuKlecsrptimntcc«tezta...placere.' Seilnstseemstoanecttbe ! 

adverbs in -t m, as ^fiatim,' 'certatim, 'catervatiin,' 'tnrmatim,' which occnr 
more freqnendy in older writers, especially in the fragments of Sisenna. 

L 10. a tpo, meto, etc.Cf.the profetsion of Tadtns, that he cta 
write (Ann. 1. 1, 6) 'sbe ira et stndio qnomm cansat procnl habco/ 

1. is« abaolvain, with case (Jng. 17. a), bnt here nsed absolmely, at 
Tac Hist 4. 48, 1, 'ea de caede qnam verissime expediam.' 

L 14. novitate. TherehadbccnalreidymeriotcausedbySarorninas 
when he called on the tlavet to take np arms in his ddence, and the 
moTemcnt of the Gracchi had been mercilessly crnshed by force ; bnt 
Rome had known little of the horrors of ctvil war and levolutionary 
plots, which had been to fieqnent m the states of Greece. 

L 16. o. 5. nobili genero. The roll name wat L. Sergint ff ** nfa ft, 
nnd the SergU were an oM mmQy, believed to be of Trojan origin; 
ct Verg. Aen. 5. i»i t 'Sergestaaqnet domut tenet n qao Scrgia nomen;* 



\ 



1 
• 

-c ! 



IJ8 CATIlINARlAtf CONSPIRACY. 

Jot. 8; aji, 'Quid, Catiliaa, tnis natalibnt atque Cethegi | inveniet 
quisquam sablimins,' The mmily of Catiline wit distinguished firom 
other branches of the Sergii by the epithet Silus fnaso snsam Tenus 
lepando/ Festus). 

L 16. inagna t1 . • oorporie. Tnnsfened by Anrelins Victor to his 
description of Mitbridates (Vir. IU, 79), as the 'ingenio malo praToque * 
is bo r r ow cd by Solpidus Sererua (Hist Sac 9. 45), thnt sbowing how 
xamiliar pessages of Sallust clnng to the memory of later writers. 

L 17. praro. Ct Hor. Sat a. s. 55, 'ei te alio praYum detorseris. 9 
His character was not merely bad by nature (malo) bnt had a vidoue 
bias from habit 

1. 19. ibi for 'in quibus, 9 as *unde 9 for *a quo* (Jng. 14. «), and 
•nbi * for «apnd quos' (Cat ap, 8). 

exerouit, as an agent in the proscription of Sulla, by the mnrder 
of sereral knighta, and espedally of Marins Gratidianna an eminent 
connexion of Marins and Gccro. 

patlena inediae. Cfthelikedcscriptionof HannibalinLiTyii.4, 
f, 'caloris ac frigorit patientia par . • . vigiliaram somnique necdie nec 
nocte discriminata tempora.' 

L »1. aJmnlator. A rare nse of a nbstantive in an adjectiTal tense, 
Cf. Jug. 64. 1, 'contemptor animns; 9 is, 5, • mnlierh) ancillae; * for the 
meaning, c£ Serriua ad Verg. Aen. 1. 516, 'dissimulamuft nota, simula- 
mns ignota, nt Sallustius, * etc 

L sa. alieni adpotena, a. p. Cf. two like coatratts of Tadtus, 
probably suggested by this: Germ. 31. 5, < prodigi alieni contemptorea 
eui/ and of Galba, Hist 1. 49» 5, • pecnniae alienaenoo appetent, tua* 



L 33. olo qn en tiae. We read i» AnL GelL 1. 15, 18, that the gram* 
marian Valerins Probut nsed to nrge that Sallnst wrote 'loquentiae,' and 
made the correction m his own copy, * qnod loquentia noTatori Terbornm 
SeUustio maxime congrncrtt» eloqueatia cnm msipientia minime con- 



▼aetua. AboMusefor*restiesV*in»tiablc;* cfluseof •Taatabat, 9 
15.5. 

L »5. dominetionem. The dictatorship of SuHa waa practically 
aa aatocracy, and a trmpting example for military a d ien tm ers. Cf. VelL 
Paterc *. s8, 3, 'imperio quo priores ad Tmflkandaia maaimit pericnlit 
pih hIj libertatem nsi erant co immodicae fi y H titatf* licentia ntna 

tfft. 9 

L ay. cjaieqnam penat C£ Jng. 41, 9, *nihfl penti neqne aancti 
habere;*the phrase,often nsed byPlautus, recalls the timeawhen Talue 
wascnr/dtarnnnedby weightof br^oee; d note on 'testnmo/ a, 8. 



NOTBS. CBAPS. 5, 6. 179 

L so. qnae ntraqoe, nent plnr. refening to two fcm. singulan, a* 
so. a, • ni Tiztns fidetqne Tostra tpectata forent' 

L 51. in ipeo. The digreesion can scarcely be aald to bc re* 
qnired by the snbjeet in hand ; k wu more probebly suggestod by 
the example of Thncydides i. 88-1 i8 f bnt with sar lett propriety and 
proportioiL 

hortaii, conpled with the infin^ at 'dehortari,* Jng. 14. 4» a mo* 
nere,* Jng. 19. s, inatead of *ut,' •ne* with subj. Tacitnt espedally 
foUowed thit example, whieh it Tery rare in Ctcero ; cf. pro Sett 3. 7. 

L 33. aupr* repetere, • to begin with earlier times/ as Tac Ann. 
16. 18, 1, * De C Petronio panca tnprm repetenda sunt* 

P. 52, L i. maloruoL, This snpplies by prokpsis a tnbject to the 
soUowingverbs, 'haboerint,* etc ; cf. Jng. 55. 1. 

Lt. ix poloherrima» Dietsch suppUes here 'atqne optima* from 
infcrior MSS. and Ang. de Cir. a. 18, to preserrc the balance of the 
scntence, bnt it seems needless. 

L 4« 63eserero,more rrequently nsed with 'de/ thongh ngt in Ck. de 
N. D. 3. 40, 95. Cf. Tac HitL 4. 69, x, ' rim Romanam padaqna bona 
dissertans*' 

L 5. o. 6. Urbem Komam, seems imitated by Tac Aan. r. 1, i f 

* nrbem Romam a prindpio reges haboere/ 

aioatl ego aooepL As at least 95 different yerrions of the founda- 
tion legend of Rome have come down to ns (SirG. Lewis's Credibfiity 
of Early Roman History, 1. 401), 'accepi * may imply something like 

• I haye heard on good authority,' as Sallust mnst hare heard other 
traditions. His acconnt agrees better with the origin of Alba, as 
described byFabiut Pictor and VergU, than with that of Rome, bnt this 
may be dne to the Tagne brerity of his langnagc 

L 7. onmqxie. If is rare to 6nd 'qne' combined in prose with a 
prepotition beibre the time of IiTy, except when tbe same prepos. 
is repeated. 

L 8. aine legiboav as m the golden age of fable, Ovid, Metaph. 1. 
59, 'Aurea prima sata est aetas, qnaeTindice nnUo | sponte sna sine lege 
ridem rectumque colebat* Sallnst giTes a like conjectnral acconnt of 
the early inhabitantt of Northern Africa* Jng. 18. a, 'neque lege ant 
imperio »-• . regebantnr. 

L 10. elll allo. ThensageofSaUnstseemstoreqnire^aUns^hereas 
the best MSS. read, not 'aUi;' c£ as. t, 'aUus alu tanti mdnoria 
consdi;' 51. »8. ' aiios aUnm expcctantes ; ' Jng. 12.3, < regnU...aiiut 
aUo concessere.' Cfc Criindel, Qoaestiones SaUnttianae, p. 6. 

L 11. ooaloerlTit. Afterthit an inierior MS.hiserts'itabreTimnl- 
tltndo diTema atqneTagaoonoordia dTitas facta erat,' whkh occnrtalso 
M «. quotation *apud eos (gentUes) ' m Angustin, Ep. 138. 9. If thit 

VI 



i 



180 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

belongi to anothcr anthor, it it itrange thmt it shonld hare been intro- 
dnced into the text by a copyist, and it may be genuine. Cfc Jordan in 
Hermei 1. 146. 

L 14. habentnr points probably to the eondition of the tenurt of 
eerthly goods, and it not eqnrralent merdy to * tese habent' 

L 15. regea popnliqne, i. e. the kingt of the Etrnrian towns,and the 
sederal leagnet of Aeqnian, Vobdan, and Sabellian tribes. Rome 
was not howerer qnite the innoeent object of aggrettioii which the it 
hcn rcprctented. 

temptare. Thit teemt to hare been certainly the accepted spell- 
mg of the Roman writers, thongh there it no reaton for the insertion of 
the / etymologicalry (' tendere, tentns *), nor for enphony at where m of 
the root and / of the termination come together, at in 'contemptus.' 
Wtth other freqnentatiyes it it mnch nted by Sollust, and in different 
thadet of meaning. 

paooi ex amioia, Rome howerer generally secnred alliet who 
did good tenrice and often bore the brnnt of the fighting, at the Latint 
were chiefly exposed to the forayt of the Aeqniana and Volsdans. In 
later dayi the ailied contingentt exceeded theRoman legiont in effective 
etrength. 

L 17. fectinare, connected with 'manifestus,' ' oonfestim,' 'infestnt/ 
'oflendere.' Cf. Cortsen 1. 149. 

L ao. maada dandia, etc Copied from Thncyd. a. 40, 6, 0* <ya> 
edexerrtt *•* 4AAA ^pfirrtt v *r£/»#ra robt fJXeef . 

L ta. qnfbiia oorpna, etc C£ Arist Polit 4. 9, 4 /lir ftvrojur Jr 
poorr4po»t, f M +pim \\ 9* Jr wpoffiurtpot» torfr. 

L 14. patrec Lrry 1. 8, 6, 'patres certe ab honore, patridiqne pro- 
geniet eomm appellatL' More probably the term ' patres,' as eqni ralent 
to 'patres familiis/ implies that they were heads of Jamilies, while 
'senatus'denotes thetr age,the older men being telected sor the pnrpose. 
Cf. Floftti 1. 1, 15, 'contilinm rdpublicee penei senes ettet qni ex ano- 
toritatepatres^obaetatemsenatnsTOcabantar;' C£Wiliemi # Senat v i.p.o. 

L 15. regium imperlum. It wat an electrre monarchy held for 
lifc, not hereditary. 

ouuaei rindte, Clalikenseof thegen. of the gerundire to ex- 
prest an aim or purpote, 46. a, Jng> 88. 4. It it espedally freqnent in 
Tadtns. 

L *6. in enpeibiam, aa in the traditional acconntt of the hanghty 
oppwion of Tarqninins Snperbm» which proToked the abolition of 



L s8. impa gat e t ce. An archaie nse of the word Ibr ordinary mlers. 
CL Jng. 1. 3, •dax et imperator ritae mortalinm animm est/ The two 

retained tht nll 'imperinm' both in pcace and wac 



NOTBS. CHAFS. 6, 7. 181 

L 29. fasolesoere occars in thii sense chiefly in lAry aad Tadtaa, 

L 30. o. 7. tompettaU. Of veiy freqnent oocarrence in Seiinst, aa 
afterwardt in Tadtaa in the sense of 'time.* 

L 33. formidnloaa. This spelUng ii bettar attetted ia older MSS. 
generaUy than • fonnidolosa,' as abo 'sangamnlcntna,' • vmnlentns,' 
thongh the # afterwarda gained ground. •Formido' b'stifieaing* or 
•settM'nmr rrom the same root m ' fonna/ ' foitis/ ' forum/ 'mrca,* 
likeSeajk~'ttar/'irJn7 Corssen 1. 476. 

L 33. adepta» So Jag. 101. 9, 'adeptam Ufaertatem.* Other de- 
ponents are nsed in a paathre sensa : 'nlcbcV Jng. 31. 8 ; •mterpretari,* 
Jng. 17. 7; •enisns,* Jng. 13. t; • rrnstratas,* Jng. 58. 3. These ara 
thonght to be partl/ dne to the inflnence of more archak styles. 

P. 58, L i« qnantnm brevi orararU. Thia may icmind ns of Hdt. 
5. 66, 1, *A#t>a* . • • *««AAax#«ffat rv ph n m v , tnhivf «4{orf t, The 
bistory of Rome however for aoma tfane aiter the expnlsion of the Tar- 
qains shows declinc rather thaa pr o gr e ss» if wa may accept the account 
inliry. 

L 3. nanm niflftiaa. C£ Cacsar, B. G. 6. 40, 6, •nsn rei militaria 
percepio. 

L 3. hababaai, conpled with 'discebat* after «inventns.* For likt 
cases of singnlar and plnral verbs combinod» cf. 33. 6 ; 17. 6. 

labos*. Some editort read •labos* on the aathority of Serrins, 
who writes ad Vcrg. Aen. 1. 233, •Sallnstins poena nbiqne labos 
posmt, qnem nnlla necessitas coegit* Yet nearly aU the MSS. hawj 
•labor.* 

L 8. aa qniaqna. The 'se* appears a pleonasm like the a sese ttn- 
dent * of 1. 1. Grnadel saggests • si quisqne/ and wonld mova • pto- 
perabat' to before the 'conspid.* 

hoatam rarira. Aa nnnsnal expression Ibr • ocddere,' whicb oc- 
cnrs also in Ennine, Ann. 8. 40% 'hostem qni feriet mi erit Cartha- 
giniensis.* C& 60, 4 ; Jng. 50. 4. 

L 9. mcinna faoere. SaUnst is espedsJIy fond of the jingjling phrase, 
11. 4; 19.5; 51. 6, etc So CatnUns,'at nesds qnod facuus fadas' 
(81. 6). 

L 11. peonniaa Uboralea. Yet we hear mnch in early days of the 
distress of the smaU Jarmers, and of tha rigorons deuiaads* of the 
wealthier classes who pnt in forca the striageat conditions of andent 
law against the debtors. Tha Roman nobles wara Uttle acrnpnlons as 
to'diTitiaehonestae.* 

L 14. perra mann. The fllnstrations of this wonld be drawn chiefly 
firom the Eastera waia of Rome. Har mcocstci in tha West coat more 
timeandmen. 

L 15. aaraa. For thk scemhig pleonasm, cC Jng. 84. 3. 



l8a CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L 17. •. a ex lubidine, 'st its capricc* C£ Jng. 4». 4# • Yictoria 
aobiUtss cx lnhidine sus nse.* 

megia. Some editors, JbUowing good MSS., omlt the 'magis' 
here ss in 9. 5 snd 48. 5. Tsdtus fnrnishes sn exsmple of such omhv» 
sioo m Ann. 4. 61, • cUris msioribus qusm Tetustis.' 

L 19. sliquanto minores. Ct Tnnc. 1. 11, 6, aM y* 8} ravra 
•popaariir a r a tsV wpbf y**6ft*wa dnXovra Tefi Mpyoi* fooSt lenpa eVm 
Tft ffrap. Jur. 10. 174, 'quicquid GisecU mendax | audet in historis.* 

L so. proTenere. As of s crop or natnrsl prodnce ; cf. Pliny Ep. 1. 
13, i, * msgnnm prorentum poetsrnm snnns hic artnUt/ 

eoriptoram ingenia. A poetic inTersion of ' writers of talent* 
likethe Homericltyiajioio £f*,or U Tn^^X 010 * ** the*>oWo* eXXtftfOjr 
4>«T*ofPindar. 

L sa. Tirtos tenta hebetur. It is snpposed thst thb ides wss 
tslten from Cato (Jordan, p. 19% d Vopiscns Prob. i f 'Certum est 
qnod Ssllnstras, qnodqne M. Cato et AgeUins historici sententiae modo 
in Utterss rettulemnt, omnes omninm rirtutes tsntss etse, qnsntss 
rideri ▼olnerint eornm ingenia qni oninscnmqne facta detcripsersat.' 
fint the pssssge of Csto is not Tery similsr, snd only contrssts the for- 
tsne of Leonidss snd sn obscnre military tribunewhote seTi-derotion 
wssasgreat. 

L »4. rniTnqnam ce> oopia, Le. 'scriptoram.* Cicero says 'abest 
historia Utteris nostris,* snd giref s Tery disparaging critidsm of the 
eariier writeis on the snbject<de Leg. 1. «, 5). 

L a6. optumus quisque faoero quam diosro . • . malebet Yet 
the earliest Roman hittorisn Fabins Pictor took psrt in the Gsilic wsr 
of 115 »X., Cindns Alimentns in the Second Punic Wsr, snd Csto in 
mott of the stirring sctions of his time, Other early snnslists were 
'men of the highett sodsl position, who had heen engaged in pnbiic 
life, and themtelTet fiiled some of the prindpal officet ia the ttete.* 
Lewis's CredibUity of Romsn Hist 1.43. 

L S7. bonofsota. An srchaic expmssion. Cf. Csto in pssssge re- 
ferrcd to jnttsbore; 'atidem benefitctnm qno in loco ponas niminm 
wterest*(J. 9 p.io). 

L s& o. 9. ooaoordia maTnma. The repeated seccssions of the 
plebs to the Mons Sscer or the Arentine tell a Tery difierent tale, 
though it is tme that the long stmggle of the commons to wrett from 
the pstririsns raller poUticsl rightt wss carried on by the nte of contri* 
tutional weapons, unlike the horrort of the later CirU Wars. 

L^o. targla. Theoldfomof'urgam*teenutohaTebeenMiirigare v 
(fr. 'ins 9 )» Uke 'gnari-gare* of 'narrare/ aad 'puri-gare' of 'purgare.* 
Cors t e n s. 50*1. 

L ai. snjpltgHg PooeMa. C£ VsjTOdeR.R.5,'s4Deorom 



NOTSS. CBAPS. ft-io. I83 

vant snpplida. 9 'Soppks' from a root 'placere,* •placere/ 'seb vot 
pUco in predbet fete cam didtnr dgnificat sapplico' (Festes, p. 309). 
'Seppttdnm ' U tfae hnmbU prayer or rin-or>ring of tbe priest In 
extreme caset the criininafa henoVor tbe vicuWt in bU tteacW-wet 
devoted to the ofleoded god, and henee tbe woid wu generelUed for 
penithment Corssen 1. 395. 

P. 64, L 1. eeqao remqao publleain. A phrase repeated 36. 4, 
and Jag. 85. 36. 

I. s. doenme&U» 'proot' Thneydidee often baa rtm^pm M in thU 
way. 

L 3. qei oontra imperinm. A notabU esample U dctcribcd bylivy, 
8. 30-35, in the cate of Q. Pabint Maximna, who fonght against the 
ordert of bU saperior in commaad, and waa hardly retcned by the 
peopU firom the sentence of death. 

L 5. elgne relinqoer*. Cl Tac Aaa, 13. 33» 9, •qnl signa reli- 
qnerat statfm capite poenaa laebat' 

looo oedere. Cf. Livy 24. 14, 4, * Qd loeo cetsisset, ia eam 
serrili snpplido animadversarom.' 

L 7. benlnoUa mngls qnam meta. TbU U ao mr tme tbat of 
imperial powert Rome first devised the policy of co mpiehfntton by 
giadeally extendlng the fanchUe to her nbjecta and raUing them to 
the ferel of her own dtisene. 
agitabant Ct above, a. 1. 

L 8. o. 10. regee magni, Lc Phflip and Pertees of Macedonia, and 
Antiocbns of Syria. 

1. 9. nationea fetee. Xike the Spaniards, wbose conqncet cott so 
many armies. 

L 10. Oarthago aemnla L B. ThU phrase U eopled botb by Vei- 
tetnt Petercnlat, 1. ia, 5, and Pomponint MeU, i. 7. 

L ti. patebent. CL Tbnc a. 40, 4, «faar pir Itaaevar ani «yfr 
l*£eve> tJ fjwWie reV? aat aw ya d wrrtt TfrMat. 

L 14. primo peouniee. ThU teemt inconsittent with the 'primo 
magU ambitio' of 11. 1, and Nipperdey (Opasc 54*) proposes to make 
'Imperi cnpido* change pUcet with 'pfoiniee* The Jacts of hittory 
snpport thU snggestioa. 

L 15. e*. CX above, 'qeae atraqee/ $. 7. 
tnaseriee maionun. C£ ArUtPoLs.7,«ttfmfitVyee^^raw 
kmaU» rd wk*t*r* *v«4eJrei *X«ttr fc* fWUri/iicr aai hk t>A*xP** 
pttntfr Ttct ortpwvoiej 

L 16. anbrortit A filvoarite verb with SaOatt thoegh ttrange to 
Qcero ■"<* Caetar. 

L18. alia4 olaojsnm, etc A remuuscence of Eomer, IL 9. 313, U 



184 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L as. ecmtaglo qnaal pestilentia. Cfc 36. 5, 'ns morbi ac rclnti 
tabes,' where the stronger of the two metaphorical termt it similarly 
qualified. 

L 14. orndale intoierandumqne. This is a trae indictment of the 
miigoremment of the Romaa prbTinces in the last century of the 
Republic. Gorernors, usurers, specnlatori and tax-gatherers all com- 
bined to plunder the defenceless worid, and no redress conld be 00- 
tained from the senate or the law-courts. No reformer had any 
adeqnate sense of the eril, or ability to derise a remedy, till the 
imperial mlers treated it as a matter of real moment* and introdnced a 
better system. 

L s& O.U. exeroebat, 'ga?e them no rest* CC Lncr. 5« ss6, 'nunc 
anrum et purpure curis | exercent hominum Titem* 

L »7# igneroa. Long after the short # of Okl Latin was changed to 
sj m final syUables there was felt a dislike to allow two v sounds to 
come together, so that till the time of Angnstns the old form vo was 
retained m words like 'noros,' 'ignaTos,* 'aequom*; bnt we find 'TiTus* 
m the Monnmentnm Ancyr. at the end of the period. 

L30. hnbet,*impllet,* 

L 31. vnnenis malia. C£ a like pleonasm in the old law, qnoted 
by Cieero pro Onentio 54. 148, 'qui Tenennm malnm fedt {€€01^' 
The word was originally of nentral tint, like poison (potio); thns 
AnL OelL is. 9« 9 speaks of 'periculum,* ' Tenenum,* * contaginm ' as 
aot being origmaHy restricted to a bad sense, 

eflbminat. There is a critical discnssion of this passage in AnL 
Gefl.3. i, 3, whichturason theuscofthis word. Sallust here renects 
the andent feeling that the exdusiTe pnrsnit of money-making distracts 
the mind from all nobler interests, and tends to neglect of the body's 
health and vigour: 'negotiis se nmbratids et sellnlariis quaestibns 
mtentos habent, in quibns omnis eomm Tigor animi oorporisqne elan- 
guesdt.* Aristotle says kmf&rni ra ew/Mtn. e*x •*»* rtr^t^t iptrip 
wparrw, speaking of artisans and traders. 

P. 55, L i. bonia initiia. This may be taken with Krits as an 
abL abs., or as foUowmg the Terbal subst 'erentus, 9 C£ 40. a, 
'qnem exitum tant» aalis sperarent' For the oontrast between 
the ontset of the rampaign and the bloody dose, c£ VelL Paterc s. 
2$, 1, 'pntares Sullam Tenisse m Italiam, non belli Tindicem sed 
pada auctorem, tanta cnm qdete exerdtum per Calabriam Apnliamque 
smgnlari cara frugnm agrornm hominnm nrbium perduxit m 



Tht merefless cmelties of Snfla— carried ont as they 
not m the heat of passion, but m cold blood— ga?c the tone to 
thesabsequcntproscriptionsoftbeTrta 



NOTBS. CHAPS. 10, II. 185 

rtpcn. The bistoric Ufinitive U of very freqnent occurrence 
ln Stllust It is med U order to bting vividly befere the icadert 
mncy the variout sttges of n pest eveat or the dinerent nspectn 
or repetitions of a soene. withont any atfcempt to define their exact 
reUtiont to ench other, either in time or pUce» Cl Censtant de 
Serm. StlL 144. 

L 4. faotoTcrai. Stllust often nses thk tmongother frequentttivet, 
bnt from the tcddent of Uter ustge it tcquired low amocUtiont, tnd it 
referred to 07 Qnintilitn (Inst Ortt 8. 3» 44) tt one of the ctset of 
gaW /i f a r—, though nsed by Stllnst 'stncte et tntique.' Tadtas, 
howevcr, htt the same phrtse (Hist *. 100» s), 'exercttui qnem ipse 
ductavertt/ thongh this mty be ta imitatfoo. 

L 6. Uberalltor habiicraft. Cl 14. 7, 'honeste habnUm/ tnd Jng. 
113. 3, 'benigne habere.' Pintnreh spctkt strongly of SaUt tad other 
tmbitiont gfnft f V corxupting thc •*»^tf * discipline of Romta t Tt niw 
fbr persontl or peity endt (SuIU 11). 

Toluptori*. Pltntnt expUint thU to Romta tastes; Paen. 3. *, 15» 
•liberum nt conunonstremns tibi loenm et volupttrium | nbi amet, 
potes, pergrtecere.' Livy (39. 6, 7) refers the spretd of luxury to Asin 
ns its source, * luxnrUe peregrmae origo tb exerdtn Asintico mvecta ia 
nrbem est, ii primnm leetos terttot Testem strtgnlsm pretiottm, pU- 
gnUs et tlU textilU • • • Romtm tdTexerant' 

1. 7. uroeU . . . moUiTertiit Cf. Tac. Hist s. 76, 8» 'Si qnid 
trdoris tc ferocUe miles habaitj po pUU et i*iyiiftiitionibnt et prindpU 
imitttiooe deteritnr.' 

L 9. oaeltto, • embccsedV Cfc QutanX 3. »1, 'cteUtura qnte anro 
trgento tere ferro opert effidt ; ntm scalptnra ligaam cbnr marmor 
vitrum gemmts • • • complectitur.' 

mirtxL Livy refers thc beginning of thit ftshion to the ctptnrc 
of Syrtcnse (25. 402), • Ude primnm initinm mirtndi Grtccarum trtium 
opert;' Pliny (33. 11) to tbc victoriet of Sdpio U AsU ; othcrs to thc 
ctptnrc of Corinth by Mnmmint (VelL Ptt 1. 13/ 4). Cf. Juv. 11. 100» 
'Tunc mdit et GrtUt miiari acsdnt artet | . • • • mtgnornm artificnm 
frtngebat pocnU miles.' 

priTttim ct publioo, •whether they wcrc privtte or pnblic 
propercT. 

L 10. delnbra. Thc tadents vtriously dtscusscd the origin of this 
word. Vtrro stys, • dcnt locnm in qno figexat csndelsm ftndeUbrnm 
appelUnmt; ita in quo denm poncrent nomUtrnaft ddnbrnm;' tnd 
Kritt strtngely tpproves of thU derivatioa. Othcrs derive it from 
thc root /v (Uvere) as Froato, *U qno homiaes pericuU tna dUuunt: 
ponuaf enim vel pileam, vel alU snscepta votU/ or ts thongh thc 
shimc wcrc itscif *ex votis coadita quac ita solvebtat' fiat it U 



186 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

simplest to lefer it to actual washing of ibe body at the tymbol of 
purification, 

L zi. xjlhfl reliqoi. So 18. 4; 5«. 4; 'qmd reliqui,* ao. 13; bot 
'nihil rdiquum fieri, 9 Jug. 76. 4. 

L is. ne. Sotne MSS. haTethe more usual 'nedum. 9 The first clanse 
of the scntence, thongh aifirmatiTe in form, implies a negaure, *do not 
tail to try,*and the *ne* of the secoftd emphasises this mote strongly. 
The grammaiian Pxiscian refers to the passage twice, and gites both 
•ne» and «nedum* alternatdy. 

L 13. viotoriae temporarent. Tadtns (Hist. 3. 31, 6) botrows this 
phrase, 4 qni nnper fiediiad Tictoriae temperassent.* Dietsch reads 
'temperaiint* withont MS. authority, or, as he sayt, 'ipse meo 
Maitc* 

L 16. 0. 12. innooentia pro xneliTolentia dueL 'Qean-handed 
integrity was thought 07 others a malignant reflection on themsehes.* 
Fabri compares Tac. Ann. 16.11,3, 'ri^et tristes,quo tibilasdriam 
cxprobent. 

ooeptt. The general mle of clastical usage reqnires the passive of 
'coepi • with a passive tafinitiTc bnt ' dnd 9 is hereequivalent to a middle 
Toice, 'stand for,* as 'haberi coepit,' Jng. 91. 1 ; and Cic Tusc 3. 66, 
'coepisse afflktaii* 

L ao, promisona. In the sense of 'worihless,* as by Tadtus, Germ. 
5. $, • p. ac rilia mercantibui ; 9 AnLGelL 16. 13, 4, 'de opmionistam 
promiscae erroribus.* 

L ai. in urbiuxn xnodum. C£ Valer. Max. 4. 4, 7, 'anguste se 
habitare nunc putat, coins domns tantnm patet, qnantnm Cmcinnati rnra 
patnerunt. 9 Seoeca, Ep. 90, •non babebant domos instar nrbinm;* d 
also Jut. 14. 86, etc, 'aedificator erat Centronius/ etc 

L 23. Terum. This is not the connecting Unk wemight at first dght 
expect. We may probably supply the thought, ' Those temples indeed 
were smaU, sdll more their houses, but,* etc 

L 16. aooilc The word is here loosely nsed of mbjectaaces, which 
werealoneexposed to exaciions axtd iniigoTerainent. The'sodi* were 
technically mdependent sodeties, uring nnder thdr own goremors, 
though owning the supremacy of Rome, and aiding in times of war. 
C£ Jut. 8. 108, 9 nunc aodis iuga pauca boum, grex parrus equa* 
rum | et pater armenti capto eripietur agdlo. 9 

L sy. roliaoorani. Cl tbe forbearance of M. Marceflus at Syracoee, 
as dgscribfd by Cic Verr. a. s, 'qui Syraenau non solum mcolumet csse 
sed ita reliquit ornatas, ut esset idem monumentum Tictoriac 



L «8. aoere • • . utL For two infinitiTes, ea subj. and predL retpeo» 
trfer/t «C Jug. 31. s6, 'impune quae lubet xaottc id est regemessc 9 



NOTES. CHAPS. 11-14. l8 7 

1. to. o. 1S. prifmtta, pfobably ia contrast to the manels Teoounted; 
of the Persiaa king, Jur. 10. 174. * vcuncatus Athos . • • coastiatua; 
dassibus isdem | suppotitumqoe rotis soUdum mare." 

L 30. oonatrata, *bridged over,' as m the passage of Jur. above* 
A commoner reading is • constructa,* in which case the reference wonld be 
to the great ush*ponds made by the Roman nobles; cC VelL Paterc. a. 
33, 4, ' Lncnllns promsae hnins m aedifidis convictibus et apparatibns 
luxuriae primus auctor firit Qnem ob iniectas moles mari et reeeptnm 
snffossis montibns m terras mare, haad in&cete magnus Pompeins 
Xerxen togatum tocare adsnereraL' Dietsch prefers the reading 
'contracta,' which has little snpport ia the MSS„ and thinks that it 
suggested the Une of Horace, Carm. 3. 1, 33, * contracta pisces aeqnora 
sentiunt.' Bnt the best MSS. and the Scholiast A to Lncan s. 677» 
point to * constrata,* nnd to the memory of Xerxes' enterprises ; c£ 
Hierouymus, Ep.60. 18, 'Xerxesrex potenrJssimus, qui sutoertJt montes, 
maria constravit.' 

1. 33. oultue, here ia the sense of ' sdf-indnlgence.' 

F. 66, L 1. in propatolo. Fabri notes the foodaess of Sallnst ibr 
like phrases with a ferb 'in incerto,* • in obscuro,* 'ia excelso,' • ia 
dnbb,' *in extremo.' 

L s. omnla exquircre. Cf. Jut. 10. 94, *dum gnla saerit | retibns 
nssidnis penitns scrntante macello | proxima.' 

1. 4. anteeapere. For this Cicero woald nse 'praecipere* (once only 
'anticipare'); Pliny, 'pmesumere'; cf. 31. 1. 

L 7. 00. Cfc note on ' qno rectius,' 1. 3. 

L 10. o. 14. nagitiorurn. Corssen, 1. 398; connects this word with 
'flsgrare,' 'flamen,* +*ty*tw t •flagitare,* as exprcssing originany the 
heat of passion, aad thenthe resnlts of it ; c£ Cfc. Verr. 4. 33, 7, 'qnao 
domesticis stnpris flagitiisque flagrabant' 

L 11. etipatorom, • body-gnard,' as Cic p. Domo Sna 5, 'armiger 
Catilinae stipator tui corporis.' Binsfeld (Rh. Mns..i 866, p. 483) objects 
to the use of •catenra* with abstract words like ' flagitia,* and proposea 
'stipationem,' as nsed by Cicero, Pliny, Qnintilian, for ' stip. cat' 

L 13. laoerarerat, so Cic Verr. 3. 70, 164» 'pecnnia lacerata csL* 
Fabri compares Hom. Od. 16. 315, jpfjama eo/oisTsir. 

L 15. parrioldae. The old fonn seems to hare been ' pariddaa,' the 
iirst part of wbich is the same root as of 'parena/ 'opiparus/ * pro- 
perus/ 'pattper,* (' paud-per*). The Romans applicd to mnrder 
generaHy the aame of the worst form of it, as in the old law ascribed 
to Numa, 'is qni hominem libcrum dolo soiens morti dnit pffJHdyt 
esto;* c£ Corssen, Beitr. S38. 

L 16. ad hoo. A very mrourite expressioa of SaHnst te 



188 CATILWARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L ao. ootidiaao. As regards tfae spelling of this word Comen ssys 
(i. 1 75) that • cottidie' is the best-attested fonn in early inscriptions snd 
MSS., thongh 'cotidie' is etymologicslly correct (from coti-Sansk. 
'kati,' whence the later fonn *qnot'); 'qnotidie' hss no cpigraphic 
anthority. 

per slmilisque a.e* 'wss bronght to the ssme low lerel snd 
msde like the rest* Fsbri compsres Qaint xo. x, ioa, 'pares eos 
(Ssilnstinm et Lirhim) magisqnam similes;' snd la. xo, 71, 'non nbiqne 
similis, sed nbiqne psr sibi' 

L si. ndnlesoentJtun, snch ss M. Caelins, P. Clodins, A. Gabinius, 
who were nccnsed 07 Ocero of this intimacy, or defcnded by him. 

L 95. neqne sumptol. Cetiline seems siwsys sble to spend money, 
aotwithstsnding his nsrrow mesns snd damaged credit. 

modestJao. Madvig snggests 'molesrJae * in place of a term that 
aeems ont of plsce in the csse of Catiline (Advers. s. 391). 

L *6. obnoxioe. Cf. Tac Ann. ia. i # 1, 'coningum imperiis 
obnoxio (CUndtoV 

L 39. onlqnam. ThedstiTeUiuedwith'conpertnm,'thenewsbeing 
regarded as something ascertsined Ibr the nse or convenience of the 
agent: so aa. 4, and Jng. 75. s. Csessr avoids this constrnction, which 
Tadtnsetpedallyafiects; c£ Madvig de Pm. 1.4, xi. 

L 31. e. 16. saoerdoto Vestee. According to Asconins, the 
celebrated commentator of Cicero, this wss Fabia, the sister of Cicero's 
wifc TerentJa, It is said that Catiline was acqnitted of this charge in 
73 B.C, throngh the inflnence of Catalus; cf. Orosins 6. 3. 

L 3*. oaptns might natnrally be taken as a nominatJYe to 'creditnr' 
after the common Greek constrnction, which Sallnst often adopts : cf. 
Jug.64. 4; 84. 3 ; bnt the addition of 'pro certo' wonld in that case be 
very awkward. It seems better to explain it as a case of nominatrte 
'pendens * with anacoluthon. 

P. 57» L i. dnbttabat. Rarely combined with an infinitive except 
in negative. or in tcrrogative sentences; cf. Driger, Hist Synt a. 327. 

prtrlgTtnm, fbr * privi ge n nm,* 'thechild of only one of two 
snarried people.* Festas.p.aa6\ 'priantiojiipropTaedlxenint' Hence 
*privus,*'prisciis,**pristinus;' cLCorssen 1. 780. 

L s. Taonam d. CL liry x. 46, 9, • cnm domos vacuas noro 
matrhnonioiedssent,'' andCic,CaL 1.6^14, 'cumnovisnuptiisdomum 



L 5. infoatne, here as elsewhere in Sallnst ia an actire sense, 
•hatmg.* It » nsed by Cicero also passiTely ibr 'endangered,' ■» pro 
& Rosdo xi. ao, 'filii TiU infesta, ssepe fcrro atqne insidhs appetita.* 
80 AnL GelL 9. xa, s, «b infcstus appellatnr qni malnm infcrt 
cniniaass at ^*—*** cai «llwA imnendet malnas." 



tfOTXS. CHAPS. 14-16, 189. 



%s 



qniettbne. The omaal plural b here put probablj to harmoaire 
ia fonn with • rigilib,' aa Jug. 31. to t 'beUa atqae pacee;* Jug. 41. 7, 
•glorbe triumpbique erant* Cf. Dxager, Hbt Sjnt 1. 17. 

L 6. Taatabat, 'gave him ao peace,' ai of a coaatrj eco ar gcd bj 
war. SaUust firtt atates the carrent beliefii aa ettahlithed mcts, and 
thea goea on to detcriba the meatal atate of Catiliae, ibr whkh 
he could haie ao eridcace. The whole chapter b extravagantlj 
rhetoricaL 

ooloa. Thia form b sapported aot oalj bj.MSS., bat bj tho 
anthoritj of the grammariaa Probos, who twice qaotet the paasege. 

ei. Sallatt alwajt pata the *dat' with 'incste,' not, at Cicero, 
*in' with the abl. The 'in frde* below ia therdbre deacripo>e, aad 
doet aot complete the coBstroctioa of ' iaerat' 

L 7. oltaa modo, m. t, Ct Hor. Sat 1. 3, 9, *nil aequale homiai 
rait illi ; taepe ▼elnt qai | cunebat ragieat hoatem ; penaepe vdat 
qoi | Iunoait tacra Jerret* 

L 8. Teoordia. Coafined generallj to the poeta aad Tadtaa.bat abo 
JvgTs. a ; 7t. s ; 94. 4, etc 

L 10. o. 16. tectia. Ct lirj 39. 8, 7, «mld tettes, fiUsa rigaa, tet- 
ttmooiaqae et iadicia ex eadem officma exibant ; ' Jor. 1. 67, * aigaator 
felso qai ae laatam atqae beatam | exigab tabalb et gemma secerat 
ada.* 

L 15. gratoito. * For ao tpedal profit' Ct Lrrj, 1. 47» 1, *ne gra- 
taita praeterita parricidb etteat' 

malna. The character of Catiliae giren above b aa exaggeration 
eten of that painted bj Ckero in hb tpeechet in Cat» bat thb he 
toned dowa m later writingt. Cf. pro Caelio 5. 11, • habait iUe per* 
multa maiimarnm aoa expressa aigaa ted adumhrata rirtatam.' 

L 18. largina aoo oaL Ci Cic Cat a. 9, so, *in taatam aea alie- 
aum inddenmt, ut d talri eaaa velint, SuUa ait ab ib inierb exd- 
tandus.' 

L so. Zn Ztalia naHna exeroitaa. The armiet were aow leried oalj 
for aervice io the prorincea, or at the aeat of war. No ttanding tbrce 
waa thought reqaidte for Italj, aave ia the North for Galha Cfaalpina, 
which was treated aa a prorince, aa whea Jaliaa Caetar held it with 
Hljricum. 

L ji. in extremla, Cf. Lrvj, Ep. 101, 'Cc Pompdut,cumMhhiv 
datem perscqueretur, in ulttmat ignotasque regioaet peaetrarit;' VelL 
Paterc s. 40, 1, 'penetmtae cam rictoria Medb Albaab Iberia, deinda 
nexum agmea ad eaa aatioaea qaae deatra atqae mtima Poati fav 
colant' 

L S3. prorene. The oalj place ia which SaHatt aaea thb word io 
the aeaae of • omaiao * ; cbewhere it b • ia a word,' 



190 CATZUNARIAN CONSPIXACY. 

^j 

L 34. o. 17. Zi. Cmmti et, Le. 64 B.C. 

L 28. neosoaiiado. In the sense of 'necessitas,' as ax. 3 ; 33. 5,. etc 
AuL Gellius (13. 3) relers to a like usage *in libris veternm,' and 
illostmtei from one of J. Caesart speecbes the less frequent nse of 
• neeessitas' for 'neoessitndo/ to which may be added an ezample froro. 
Cicero pro Sulla 1* a. SaUust has an afiection tor the ending -mfa* as 
in • daritudo,' • lassttndo. 9 

L 39. P. Lentaluj had been consnl in 71 B.C., bnt was expelled from 
the Senate with man y others in the following year for immorality. To 
regain his rank he stood again for the praetorship and was elected in 63. 
BjC. Plutarch gtas an absnrd story (Cic 17) to acconnt for his ntck- 
name • Sora,' *calf of the leg/ which is also foond in other tamilies. 
The name Snlla is probably only a diminntiveof Snnu 

L 30. Ii. Oasetua had bem praetor in 66 B.C, and was candidate for 
the consnlsbip in 63 B.C He was thonght too lethargic to be dan- 
gerous. Cf, Cic Cat. 3. 3, 16, •nec P. Lentnfi somnrum, nec L. Cassir 
adipera;' also Asconins on C8c in Toga Candida, * Cassmm qni iners ac 
stoUdus tnrn magis qnam improbns ▼ideretur.' 

O. Cethecna. Cicerospeaks of his'fariosa temeritas ' and of hts 
personal dolence in earlier days to I* Metellns Pins (pro Snlla. 
»5. 70). 

L 31. 8nHae. The singnlar occnrs in a like case of apposition, Jng«* 
41. i, 'Tiberius et Cains Gracchus.' The P. Snlla is referred to by 
Cicero as a distinct personage from the degraded consnl of 65 bx. (pro> 
Salla a. 6). 

Jj. Vargtmtetaa, Only known as prosecnted before *de ambitn,' 
nnd defended by the orator Hortensins (Cic pro Sulla a. 6). 

F. 58, L 1. ooloniia. The Roman colonies were at first garrisons ofi 
dtisens permanently qnartered on frontiet lands recently annexed, or at 
strategic points which commanded the great roads and rivers. The 
Gracchi tnrned them into a prorision for the landless poor of Romer 
among whom the Stnte domains were parcetted ont ; ICaxins and SnlU 
and othcr generals resorted to them as a system of pmsioning 



nmnioipiia. This wordseems to ha?e origfaatty denoted a gronp 
or commnnity of Italians who had the ddl rights bnt not the poUrJcal 
prrfikges of Rounodtuens, bnt gradnally att towns of this dass were 
mdnded in the Tribcs and became Roman boroughs, while thdr 
freemen. became Roman burgesses, retainmg large rights of locai self* 
goverament, bmt enjoying oomplete equattty with the inhabitants of 
Festns gifes various definitions whkh indicate dincrent stages. 



aobllea. Ofiaarittes^BMmbcraofwhJcahadsexvsd^ 



NOT£S.' CBAPS. tfc l& 191 

office k thdr own towna. Carak hoaoar aad oot patridaa birth hmd 
long becn the dittingmthing featnre of tbo Romaa • aobUitaa. 9 

L 6, TiToro oopie» More commoaly wiih geread, at Verg. Aea. 
I. 5*0* • oorua data oopia faadL* 

L 8. K. Lioiniojn Oraaenm, whote eareer jastified the nickname ot* 
Dnnt % wbich had beea for two ceatnries ia hk famUy. After aarrowly 
escapingwith hts life from the niassacres of theMariaa party k 87 B.c, 
he did good terrice in the camp of Salla, as aiterwards ia the war 
with thc gladiators of Spartacns. He booght ep the laads of the dc- 
tims of the protcriptiont, aad amattfd vast wealth by specalatioas ia 
tkQkd tl*T« kbonr, ia aonse property, aad fire brigadet aad miaes. 
Tbis ga*e him weight with the moaeyed aristocracy; embamtsednoblet 
came to him to eetkry their pretskg creditors, or pay thcir ezpentet in 
criminal trialt or ekctions, Soch wide-tpread coonexiont, together 
with his rettlett energy aad taleats fbr ktrigne, enabled him at timet to 
balaace the mflncnoo of Pompdas or of Caettx with the sockty ef 
Rome. 

L 9. tnvisoa ipoL They had beea rivalt ia earlydayt ia the camp of 
Snlk; stiU more as commandert ia the war with Spartacaa, ia which 
Pompdaa cJaimed the credit of the fiaal rictory, thongh the deckhre 
battk had been woa by Crassas. They wcre coUesgaes in the coasel» 
ship in 70 B.&, bnt their recoocilktioa was hollow and thort-Uved, and 
the tocotttet of Pompdas ia the Eatt stirred afteth the jealooa feara o£ 
Cmssas. 

magnam •zeroitnni. Tae biU of Maaflias ia 66 B C bad made 
Pompdns commmnderin-chief in the pkce of the esisting geaerak ia. 
the proTiaces of Ask, Cflick and Bithynk, and gfon hUa anlimitcd 
powers to finkh the war with Mitbridatee aad rednce the Eastera world 
to snbmissioa. It seemed nnlikely that he wonld be content to dkband 
his army and retire into prWate liie after lording it amoag the sabject* 



L 14. c. 18. quie. ThebetterMSS.haie*qaibes'nereaek 58.16. 
In the Jng. there are maay patsages ia which the fbna 'oak 9 k weU 
attested, tt 7. y ; 13. 6, etc 

de gna, Agrering with the sabtt 'emdnratioae 9 implied ia the 
wb 'eoaiemere, 9 CXothercasetof coottr. 'ad aentom/fti. 41, and 
Jag. 18. 9. 

L 15. P. Antroafoe Paetnt wat a tchooUfcUow aad early ktimate 
of Ciocro, who gtaes him however a Yery bad oharacter fbr waatoa 
werds aad deeds of riokace; 'qeem solitam esse edmes . • • caedem 
facerc vidnoram, tpolkre kna aodoram, ti coaatam et armk dis» 
tarbare iadick » (pro SaUa 15. 71). 

*• QovaaUa* BaQa cnricaed. himtelf by the confitcatione of hk 



io* CATILWARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

kinimtn, the great dictator, at afterwarda nndcr J. Caesar. He pro- 
bably took a leading part In the fint contpiracy (vide Introduction, 
p. 16), and wat protecnted for it in 61 B.C, but wat defended by Cicero 
himtelC who had borrowed raoney from him to buy a honse on the 
Palatme, if we are to beliere the gonrip reported by A. Gellint la. xa, t. 

datignail oonaiilea. 'Thecontnlielect' whohadnot yetentered 
on office, at the electiont were held tome time before the magiitratet* 
term of office had expired. 

L 16. legibna ambitaa. Thete were patted in order to pnt down 
corrnpt practicet at the elections, and the technictl name appean at 
earlj at the Lex Faetelia de ambitn of 358 B.C. After variout attempta 
to check bribery had prored ratile, the ttringent Lex Calpnrnia of 67 
bj& prorided that the electioneering agentt thonld be held responsible, 
whik their prindpalt, if fonnd gnilty t forfeited thdr rank, and eren the 
power to regain it by a re-election to office. 

iateevogatl. The*interrogatio* wtt an early ttage in acriminal 
triaL Afnvthe'nominitdelatio'bytheprotecntor 9 tAdtn^ 
on the formal litt of the magiitrate, the accnted (•reus') wat reqnired 
to tppear before the praetor, and antwer to the qnettion * Gnilty or not 
gnflty,* which wat pnt according to the technical formt prescribed by 
the tpecial law nnder which he wat protecnted^which defined the crime 
in qoestion. Hence the word it commonly conpled with a definite law 
at * legibnt tmhitna/ thongh in later Latin, at in Tadtnt I3.i4,a,'lege' 
it omitted. 

poenna dederast They were fonnd gnilty nnder the Calpnr- 
nian law, the penalty of which wat degradation from their contnltr 
rank, and the forfdture of the right of holding pnblic office. Antronint 
is taid to have nted violence at the triaL Cf. Cic pro Snlla 5. 15» 
• uie ambita* indidnm tollere ac dittnrbaie eonflato Toluit gladiatornm 
nc ragitiTorum tumultu.' 
L 17. repotniidarnin. CL note on 49. a. 

xeua. At thit trial Gcero had tome thonght of defending Cati- 
line (Att. 1. a). 

L 18. guod intre . . • neojdvexft. Thit pattage it regarded by 
Diettch at an mterpolated gloss, tince h appeart from Qcero • in Toga 
Candida* and Atconint that the eontnl L. Tnllnt hcaring of Catiline*! 
candidature tonght adTice on the anettion whether TOtet thonld be dif 
•IIw m iI if fcmderad for him. and tK^» f?mtfli*M> deeisted in ^^w*»^ 

■HV** W f^S f^^BBi^B^^^»^^^» ■•■ ^™^^^f«p Vi^f^^fB fflMfJW ^fF*Jf#fJf»fJliMf*^f/ ^fJfJPfJffJfJTfJ^P^fa JJJJJB ^^Wi^MWWW 

from hit attempt There it howerer no confikt in the statcmentt, if we 
inadwIthtjjeljtatMSaVijfMu^ haTebeen 

able to ttand,* inttetd of 'nequiTenU.' C£ Motnmsen, Staa t a re cht 1. 
411, note t. It teemt that an impending protecntion wat not an ab- 
•o J Mtf bar to a candidatnm nntii tha mrr had hatn *Mw*iw»*<i f f iflrtitiA 

^v^^^^vOTvner •^^fjjjjj' fjjj^p w ^^j^^j^^rfjjj^fj^^^jjijj^^^w^^ j^^^^pj^^j^ *^w# ^B^^^^^t/ jj^^^^^^b ^w^^^^j^w j^v^^^^^j^j^hhotj^jv^^sb n» vv^s^v ujBnjtts* 



tfOT&S. CffAP.iS. 193 

iodicun*)» bat that the presiding nugittrate had discretioaary power 
ia the matter. M. Aemiliat Scanrns, thongh proeeaited for a like 
ofleoce ia 54 n.c, wae ttiU aoeepted aa a candidate, probably be- 
caate tbe teaate did aot oppote him at it did Catfliae. CX Atco- 
niat, p. 19. The 'legitami diet* were the three weeka of the old 
caJendar, or the • trinundinttm.' If the 'pott panlo' be correct CatJ- 
Une mutt ha*e iatettded to ttand at the renewal of the electiont 
when the contnlt detignate had forfcited their daime, Ct Cic. pro 
Solla 34. 68. 

L 19. erat eodom tempore ia tomewhat weak, bnt there it no MS. 
anthoritjr for the • Romae * which Dietsch wooid intert after tbe analogy 
of 91. 3, and Jng. 35. 1 ; 65. 1. 

L S3. in Oapltolio. The new coasnlt entering on office went m 
ttate to the temple on the Capitol to ofier tacrince on that day. 

L 14. ipei maoibue oonrop t ia. YetCfoero, Lrry and Soetonrashnply- 
that P. Salla wat the iateaded ooosnl, not CatiUne. 

Las. dima Hitpaniae, Le. H. 'dterior' and 'alterior,' for the 
goverameat of which two praetort had been regoJarly appointed tinco 
197 n.c. The boandary between them wat the Saltnt Csttnlooensis» 
and Carthago No*a wat the chief town of the former, Cordnba of the 
latter. The snbdividoa of H. nlterior mto Baetica and Latitania took 
place nnder Angnstas. 

1. s6. ea reoognite» There it tome dimcaltr ia bdieving that a 
conspiracy, the detaOa of whkh had been divnlged, ahonld be simprjr 
deferred for a short time, at also ia there berag no c on nectio n be- 
tween 'cognita' and the tabject to ' traattnlerant' Diettch therefore 
inJers that a passage hat dropped ont of the tert, tach at the sratemeo* 
of Dion Cass. 36. 97, that the two consalt went to the Capltol attended 
by a body-gaard, which showed the conspiratort that the plot wat 
known. It wat believed that attemptt had beea aiso made to corrapt 
the fleet of L. Gellins, the legate of Pompeins, which wat croitmg off 
Etraria (cf. Cic. pott Red. ad Pop. 7. 17). 

L 37. tranetularent Thisnseof theplaper£iscoramonerwithSaU 
lnst than with other writers. CC 14. 1 ; 56. a ; Jng. 64. 4- It breakt 
the continnity of the aairatrfe, aad iatrodacet a ttttemeat aa aa after- 
thoaght 

L 19. pro oaria. Priadaa 14» 'Sallnstratia CatOiaa pro caria diidC 
pro, aate cariam/ CtCic. PhiL 3. 11, 'sedcajproaefeCastoriadisit' 
CC aote oa Jag. 53« 1. 

poet oonditam, etc. Pottibly imitated by Tadtas, Hiat 3. ya, 1, 
*id mdans pott conditam arbem lactaoeiesimam,' 
- L 30. patratnm, A Wbfreo^UyoocnrringtoSaUatithoaghvery 
rare ia Ciotro, aad not at all foaad ia Catsar. 

O 



194 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L 31. «i ros. One of the authorities of Saetonins (J. Caesar 6) 
ttated that Cimsms failed to appear, and that Caesar did not give the 
expected signal of letting his toga drop from his shonlder. 

L 39. e. 19. quaeator pro praetore. As fresh provinces were con- 
quered more praetors were eleeted in earlj times to govern them, bnt 
after Snlla no praetor left Rome on foreign serrice tiU his second year 
of office, when he served as *pro praetore/ that being henceforward the 
nsaal title of a provindal govemor, short of the highest rank. The 
quaestor accompanied the general m the field or the governor m 
a province as paymaster and bead of the oonunissariat He ranked as 
nezt in conunand, and stepped into the place of an absent or deceased 
governor. Towards the end of the Republio, as the administrative work. 
became more varied, there was a difficulty in providing for occasional 
vacandes, and qnaestors were at times appointed— as in this casc— to 
mdependent conunand, or sent on a special commission. like Cato to 
Cyprus, with thc rank of pro-praetor fquaestor cnm inre praetorio,' 
VelL a. 45, 4). By a mrther eztension nnder the Empire even subor- 
dinate offidals in a senatorian province bore the title. 

L 33, mlaana ees. Cicerospeaksinhis speech'in TogaCandida' of 
this mission as part of a design: 'Hispaniend pnginncalo nervos 
rdpablicae xnddere.' 

infeetnm talmionm. Cicero prefers to connect these words with 
a copnla, bnt this reading is better snpported and more vigorons. 

P. 69, L i. aamatnspToriiictamdotoat. It rested with the senate 
to determine which of the provinces shonld be consnlar and which 
praetoriaa, and the consnls and praetors then took those which feU to 
tbem by lot or arrangement When rarther providon had to be made 
the senate made the appointinent to a spedned province. 

L a. fbednm. Corssen coonects this word with * fanus/ 'funus,* ' fae- 
tere/ ' suffire/ from a root fm~fiv, and derives the idea of ngliness 
and dirt from that of smoke, as Hor. Od. 3. 6» 4, • foeda nigro simnlacra 
fomo. 

arepnblioeproonL Less appropriate thaa ia 4. I, as PSso was 
r e m oved only from the centre of politkal life. 
. L 3. aimnL Ct so. 3; Jng. 4« 1. 

bonL 'Good' conservative members of the aristocracy who 
feared a popnlar movement headed by Pompdus. The conmsion of 
moral and political assodations is freqnent in the langnage of party 

L 4« prassidinm in eo. To balance the power of Pompems in the 
East they may havo hoped to secnre a hold spon tht West, and to 
seise anaies on whidi they conld depend. 

Lfr m ptwvsnasn. lfostMSS have'provfodauCbetAscoiuusand 
Pion Cassiai statt that Pisp was slain ia his provmcc. 



KOTES. CBAPS. 18-20. 195 

L 7. aont qtd dioant. Most MSS. haic 'dicoat' which b perhaps 
to be preferred, as it accords best with the usage of Saliost, who not 
only has the mdic. where a definite snbject is prefixcd, as 'legati a 
Boecho veniunt qui . . . pettore' (Jug. ibs. a), but also • raere conplures 
qoi . . . profecti sunt * (Cat 39. 5), aad oonstantlj whh • qnippe qui' 
andoften 'q^*alonem acaasal sense. Hoiaoe too prefcrs the indic, 
bnt prose writers far oftener use the snbjanctrfe. 

L 8. On. PompeL These, with the foUowing words, make a hex- 
ameter, one of the man y examples whkh may be fband 07 the corioas 
in Letm prose. Cf. Tac Aaa. 1. 1, i. 

L 9. oliantia. Probably they had serred under him in the war 
against Sertorius, likc the 'benefidarii* of Caesar, B. Cir. 1. 75, a # 
* Petrdus • . • barbarisqne eqnitibns pands, bcneficiariis suis, qnos soae 
cnstouiae ceusa naoere cousueret 

Toltmtato oina, Pompeins was too mach engaged in Asia with 
qnestions of great moment to haic thonght to gr»e to Piao» or indeed 
time to send instrnctions to his friends in Spain. 

L 10. nnmqnam. Yet the mnrder of Hasdrabal was a like case 
(Lrry si. s, 6), aad Caesar says at Hispalis ' popnli Romaai magistra* 
tibns saaosaactis manns semei atqoe saepins attulistis' (De BdL Hiap. 

L 11. ln madio relinqnemne. Velleint nses the phrase t. 48, 4, 
while Tadtns varies it to • in medtnm reUnquam' (Germ. 46. 5). 

L 14. o. 20. in rem, 'to the potnt,' 'usefaL' as Terent Phorm. s. 
3, 9, • qnae m rem tnam siat ea velim (adas mihi.* Tadtns catends tha 
cou sti nc t ion to *m rem fainamqne ndebatur * (HisL 3. 8» 1). 

L 16. arbitrie. Used m the same sense of •introders' or 'witnesses' 
by Lrry with 'remotis' (7. 5, 3) and 'snmmotis' (as.6o, 3V. Theroot JtV 
bfonnd m*bito'-'go' (Plaatus), and 'bitienses* 'wamlerm'(Festus). 

L 18. epoota t a» Sallnst connects a parti d pl e m the neut plnr. whh 
two ferainine nonns (Jng. 38. 8; 59. 4 5 68. 1) ; but not uafrersally, fer 
Jng. 70. s, * gloria opesqne uraatae ;' 73. 6. *res fidesqoe dtae f where 
an abstract and concrete term are combined. 

1. 19. oeeidiaset. More commonly 'acddhnet' 

L so. por ignaTiam, 'with the hdp of cowarcV For the rreqoent 
nse of the abstract for the coacrete, c£ S4. 4 and Cic Cat s. 11^*5. 
- L Ji. multie ot magnla. Sallnst oommonly connects by a copnla 
fl mdtv'andafbllowmgpredicate, 'magnis,* 'criticaL* 

tempectatibua. Thenseof this pinr. fbr 'tempora* b rara and 
archaic, thongh the siag. occnrs oftener. 

L S3. poloh. faoinna. Copied posdbr/ by Tadtus» Hist I. 44, t, 
*polchrum et memorabQo fadnus.* 

L a*. idem ycUo, ctc TraasfeiTed byScncca(Ep so) mto a defiuV 

O J 



« 



• 



j, 



196 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 



i 



tioo of wisdom: 'Qtfid est sapientiat semper idem relle atque idem 
aolle.' C£ Jng. 31. 14. 

L 37. animn* aooendltnr. Quintilian remarki on this passage, * Sic 
Catilina apnd Sallnst loqnitor ut rem scelemtissimam non malitia, sed 
indignatione rideatur andere ' (3. 8, 45). 

L*8. oondioto. Dietsch spells this word • condi/io * with the best 
MSS* bnt the inscriptions leare no donbt that the right form is with 
a € 9 as with 'dido/ both coming from a root dk- % fonnd in 'dicere/ 
'tigitus,**iudex.' 

1. 39. rlndioamus in lib* 'take np arms to assert our freedom.* 
Ct m the Monum. Ancyr. of Augustus, 'lempublicsm in libertatem 



• t 



L 31. tetrarohao. Used generally for 'pettj princes,' the more 
tpedal meaning of the ruler of a fourth of a country, as of Palestine; 
haring been soon lost sight of. Cf. Tac Ann. 15. 35, 6, 'scribitur 
tetrarchis ac regibns praefectisqne et procuratoribus.' 

reotlgales strictly implies the payment of tribute in kind or in 
a fixed proportion of the prcdnce of the land as tithes, while the 
'stipcndiariae dritates * paid a definite amount 

popnli na t i on os. The former defined by a common goremment, 
as a «tiXif or 'dritas,' the latter by a nnity of language or race, and as 
such the wider term where repnblican and federal institntions prerailed, 
as in early Italy. 

L 31. strenni boni, etc. For this passage, of which rariout readings 
occur in the MSS^ Jordan proposes *boni 'maliqne nobiles atque ig- 
nobiles,* as in Aur. Victor Caes. 24. 9, a writer who frequently borrowe 
phrases of SaUust He thmkt * strenui ' a gloss on * boni,' while 'malique' 
dropped out of thc text (Hermes 1. 934). Wagner notet that 'boni' wat 
more probably a margmal explanation of 'strenui,' and thinkt that 
'ignari' is the lost word of contrast (Rh. Mus. 1868, p. 701). Either 
conjectnre would certainly be an improrement on thc text. 

L 33. rolgns ruintns. Cl Hor. Ep. x. s, 97, * Nos numerns sumus 
et fruges consumere nati.* The language is absurd as addressed tb 
men, some of whom were of noble ismily and had held high office or 
aspiredtoit. 

P. 60, L 5. per Tirtntem, 'brardr/ as m a passage perhaps sug*- 
gested by it (Tac Hist 3. 66» 7), 'id solum refcne, norissimnm 
spiritnm per lndibrinm et contnmelias enundant, an per rirtutem.' 

L7. in mann Tobia. ThebestMSS.hare 'nobb'asweUasPrisdan, 
a» 364» and throughout hb speech Catiline identifies the canse of hit 
paity with himself (ct'4, 'robis eadem qnae mihi •). aad nses the first 
pcrson ptnr.in contrast to •fllfc' except in the rhetorical appeals of secC 
9sadL4« 



NOTRS. CffAFS. JO, JI. 197 

L 9. ecmae&nenut. Used by a cornmon meUphor for declinmg 
▼igour, and as sach applied to ideas like 'fama,' 'opes,' *vitU.' 
'Uns,* 'pugna.* Nageisbach, | 131, eomperes the simikr nse of 
'Ubescere.' The rail form of the terminetion of the perfect it wy 
rareUSallust 

1. 10. ree,*action.* Cf. LUy s. 65, 4, • concUmant se itaros, clamo» 
remqae rcs est secuta.* 

L is. •xtrnendo. Fabri fflnstrates this by the phrases 'extmere 
focnm lignU* for pilUg logs on the fire (Hor. Ep. s. 43), and 'fora 
eatmere* (Tac Agr. si. 1). Dietsch adopts the oonjectnre of Gro- 
novius, 'esirudendo.* 

i. 14. ampHne, for 'plnres/ as Jug. 80. 6. 
oonttnuare. Soased byLi?y with 'sgros,' 34*4* 
larem familiarom. The gnardian angel of the Romaa creed, 
representing the morai and religions sanctions of domestic hie, and 
connected, like the M$ warpfot of Greece» with the earl y worship of 
ancestral spirits. In the AulularU of PUntns the *Ur mmilUris* 
appears on the stage to expUU the plot It stands here for ' home.* 

1. 15. onm, SaUust's preference for the mdicathre U fflustrated by 
the freqnency with which he nses it with thh conjunction, whiU LUy 
and Caesar commonly avoid it. 

torenmata. Snch embossed pUle as Cicero speaks of as the 
work of the artist Mentor (Verr. s. 4, 18), • per bona torenmata . • • 
Mentoris manu» snmmo artificio facta.* 

L 17. trahunt rexant. As thoogh their wealth were gotten by 
plunder and force, not by (air means, 

L 19. ree» spes, * present* and 'future.* ThU jmgling contrast eccurs 
often; d < egoUmantremsntnespaqnktemenpecto,*Cic.Att3.sa, 

i. so, miaeram anlmem, ' paltry liie.* Ct Jut. is. 57» ' 1 annc et 
ventU animam committe.* 

L S4. ral Imperetere, etc Imiuted probably by Tadtas, Hist 4. 
66, s, 'sen me ducem, sen militem, maTultU.* 

L 17. eerrire. Salinst connects 'paratus* not only with aa Ufin. 
bnt with *ad* and a gemndive (31. 7), and with *nt* (Jng. 91. s). 

L 39. 0. &L abnnde eraat. Sallnst extends the nse of aJaVerbs 
with 'esse* to the less common cases of 'abonde,* * frnstra,* * obriam.* 

P.61, L I. tabnlea norae. Thts, Tike thexjMeVancoeeiof Grcek 
Politics, was the omUons cry of thererolntionary hopes, when repodia- 
tion of priTate debts was to be mnctmnfri by the state. 

proeeriptionem. lt was commonly believed that U the proscrip- 
tions of SnlU many were Uclnded U the pnbiished lUts of theondawed 
who had kept aioof from politks, and been smgied ont only for thefc? 



198 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L I. loeupletinm, 'locaples'«'agri plenns, 9 the pertidpisl ending 
being shoitened aa in 'damnss/ 'indiges,' The 'locnpletes* originaUy 
were the landed proprietors of the tnre Senrisn classes. 

L a. aaoerdotia. In the more importsnt priestly coUeges the 
members nsed to fill np their lacandes by co-optation, bnt m the 
Isst centnrj of the Republie the forms of popnlar clection were 
resorted to. The higher oflices were coveted for the politicsl infraence 
as well ss the sodsl dignity which they csrried with them. 

L 3. eeee ia Hispania. Yet Fiso wss probsbly slresdy desd (c£ 
Asconius 94. 3). 

Lf F. 81ttium. The csreer of this s d fc utur e r wss a mmrked one. 
He was in Spsin in 64 B. a, snd afterwards m Bfanretsnis, where he 
becsme finsnrisl sgent to the king, negotiated loans, enlisted soldiers 
of fortune, and plsyed a brilliant part as a condottJere in the tribsl* 
Jeade of Africa. Finally he took the strooghold Cirta by a tmtp d$ . 
main when the Nnmidian Jnba was fsdng Jolins Caesar in the field, 
and with the conssntof the latter Sittins settled his soldiers 00 the lands 
aroond it after the type of a Romaa colony. 

L 5. O. Antonlwm, distingttished by the cognomen of * Hybrida,' 
from others of the fiunily of the great orator Antonins. He had served 
in the rsnks of Snlla snd nsed hls opportnnities of plnnder in the dvil 
wsi snd proscriptions. ExpeUed from the senate ia conseqnence in 
70 a, c, he was soon re-sdmitted aad became the coUesgne of Cicero 
as praetor and consnL His sabseqnent career as governor of Mace» 
donia to some extent jnstified the hopes of Catiline, thongh he was 
forced to take the field against him ; d 59. 4. 

L 13. ut potitlonem sraam. As one at least of the sccompUces 
named, L. Cassins Longinns, wss slso a candidate for the consnlship, 
there is some absnrdity m this direction, conpled with the hopes 
capicsied in ravonr of Antooias. 

L 15. o. 22. popularls. Wolflin (PhUoL 1870, p. 147) remarks that 
SaUast nses this word in the sense of 'sodns'mtwootberplacesofthis 
treatise (34. 1 ; 53. i4),bnt not ia his later works. He sees in It, as in 
the nse of 'negotiom ' for • res,' * portare* for * ferre/ and some of his 
so-cslled archaisms, the traces of the mder style ('valgarlateia') by 
whkh he was infloenced most at first The data and conclnsions seem 
very qaestknable. Seneca (de Vita Beats, 13) writcs 'iniitJs nostris 
popolaribns' of his Stoic friends. 

L 16. saagnixiam. The story b as fantastJc as the wild fictions of 
Chrisrisn chfldrea mnrdered by Jews m thdr synagogves, often repeated 
mtheMiddle Ages, and rerived of latein Hangary. It was a primithre 
castom ia varioos ooontries to gtfe solemnity or a more binding foros 
to a oompact by tastmg blood, dther of a Tictim or of the oontracting 



i 



\ 



\ 



NOTES* CBAPS. %1-ty. 199. 

parties. Ct Tadtos, of thcCsocasmntiibcs(Ann. is. 47, 3VM fecdn» 
arcanum habetur quasi motno craore tacratnm/ •Herodotas ssys the 
likcof tboMedes(i. 74), and of the Scythians (4. 70). 

patcria. C£ Varro de L. L. 4, ' m pocnlis crant paterae, co qood 
oateant T *><— ita ifV^n ii • •• ia ssorincando DeU hoc THMrnln iwflrit- 
tratns dat Deo vinam.' 

L 17. poci oxcoratioBorn. Tbc coiics m tbc evcnt of trotchery or 
disobedieoce ; dLhr. 10. 38, 5, 'inrart cogebent diroqoodamcarniina 
in tfy tCT itifmnn capitit familiaeanc ct stirpis composito f***^ issct m 
proeliam qoo unperatoros dusissent' 

L 19. diotitaro. If thh rcading of tbc bcst MSS. bo retained, it 
mnst bc taken as a variatioo of tbc 'dicerent * above ; bnt thc historic 
mfinitive sccms quitc out of place, and wc maj regard it whb Ritschl 
(Rh. Mns. 1866, p, 317) as a foolisb notc of thc margin. Wagner. 
propoccs *co dicdtaat rcm fedstt' (Rh. Mas. 1878, p. 701); Wesenberg, 
'idqoe co (dictitarc) fedtse/ bclieving tbat •dictitaro* grew out of a 
marginal notc 'dictam rcm 9 on 'id? 

intor ao • • . aliua alii. Tbc idiomatic exprestion for red- 
procal action as in livy 35. 3, 4» fer which ktcr writcrs often naoi 
'invicem.' 

' L sx. Oiocronis invidiam, 'the odinm against Cioero/ as Iivy at* 
34, ' aliena invidia spiendentem.' 

L S3. pro magnitnrtiTio. C£ Jng. 14. 16 ; 49. 5. 

1. 15. o. 28. aodL Uscd as in 95. 1, *scd in ds crat Sempronia,* 
aad 49. 1, to continnc a narrative, withont aay snggcstion of ooutrast 

L s6. flagitils atqno laoinoribna, ' passions and crimes.' For thc 
distinction betwcen thc two, d Ang. de doctr. Chr. 3. 10, * qnod agit 
indomita capiditas ad oorrnmpeodun animnm ct corpns suum, flagitinm 
vocatnr. qnod antem agit nt alteri noceat, fednus didtur.' 

L 17. probri, • disgraosml condnct;* c£ Cic dc Legg. 3. 3, 7, 
•probinmmScnatancrelinqnnnto.' Tbcpowcr of thcCensorstostriko 
nnworthj namcs off thc roU of thc Scnate was a high moral mnction in 
oarUerdayi, bnt wasabnscdCor paitjcri6^atlast,MpoatiU7kthc 
of Sallnst himself. 

1. s8. ▼anitot, 'levity;' cl Iivy 1. 17, 1, •vanum mgcni 
dictatoris.' 

L 33. maria montUqno. Faniiliarcsj^gcrstions.saTcrcntPhorm. 
i« t, 18, ' montis aari poUicens.' 

P. 68, L 4. aoblato eootoro. * WlthhoMmg tfac namc of hcr mfornv 
ant/ as Cic Ep. ad Att s. 14, 'Caepionem dc oralionc sua snttnlit' 

L 5* co roe. Yct Cicero was known onl j as a noent spcaker, not as 
a man of energy Ibr a time of dangcr. It is morc probable tbat votea 
withdrawn trom Catflino in conscqnencc of tht nunoured dVsignaj 



,-/ 



J 



SOO CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

thaa that Cicero was deliberatel y pnt forward as a defender of the 
state. Sallnst howerer, accepts here Cicero v s own version of the story, 
though he ls oot credited with much liking Jbr the friend of Milo, his 
own bitter eneny. 

L 9. homo noTos. C£ Cia in Pisonem, 1. 3, 'Omnes honores 
popnlns Romanns mihi ipsi, homini noro, detulit Nam tn (Piso) cnm 
quaestor es uctns, etiam qui te nunquam viderant, tamen illnm honorem 
■Mtmini niandabant tuo.' 

L 11. e. 84. deolarantor. The resnlt of the election was annonnced 
by a crier, Oc pro Milone 35. 96, • Meminit etiam sibl ▼ocem praeconis 
modo defuisse • . • popnli tero cunctis snmragiis • . • se consulcm decla- 
ratnm. 

L 15. fldo sumptam nratoam, 'borrowed on bis friends* credit ;* 
as Cic, pro Flacco, so. 46, 'pecnniam snmpsit mntnam a Sex. Stola 
. . . . «rai tamen credidit P. FuItU Veratii fide.' Catiline urepresented as 
tpendmg rredy and enjoying ample credit for a mined prodigal. 

nfanHnm, called by Plntarch a distingnished ▼eteran in Sulla*» 
army, whocame to Rome to nse hisinnucnoo at the elections for Catiline, 
and was then sent back to Etmria; c& 97. 1. 

L 16. prinoape, ' was the first to more; • c£ Caea. & G. 7. s, 1, 
'prindpes se ex omnibns beUum facturos poUicentur.' 

L si. eerritla. C£ note on • per ignayiam,* ao. s. 

L as. soHioltaro. This is not consistent with the reported rernsal of 
CatUine to enlist slavea in his insnnectionary force, or with the adrice 
containcd in theletter of Lentulus, 44« 5. 

L 95. o. 86. ▼iro, This was Dedmus Junius Brutns, consvJ 77 B.a; 
her soo was the D. Brntns prominent among the mnrderers of Caesar. 
. L s6. pcallero aaltaro. Sdpio Africanus cotnplained a centnry 
before that these accomplishments were growing fashionablc m Roman 
society, and that the dandng schools were thronged by children of both 
sexes, * cnm sambnca psalterioqne ennt in lndnm histrionum ; discnnt 
cantare: qnae maiores nostri ingennis probro dnder ▼oluerant ' (Macro- 
bius, Sat a. 10). 

cmna Booe ae o eet probao. Cf. Tae. Ann. 5* 1, 5» • eomis nltra 
qnam aatiquis feminis probatum;' and HisL 5. 6a, 3, 'mimos actitavit 
sdte magb qnam probe.' 

Ls& fnit, attractedtothennmberof tfaenonnbappcdtionwithth^ 
snbject of the seatencc, as Jng. 74. 3, '• Numidas in omnibns ptoeliis 
magb pedes qnam amm tnta sant* 

L so, baod faoflo cL, borrowed possibly by Liry, ai. 4, 3, 'rhaud 
mdk d ls cwncr ts mtmm imperatori aa cxerdtai carior esset' 

Laj. baod aba«dasn> So Tac Aaa, i|» 45, a, 'oomis neo 



\ 

! \ 



NOTES. CHAPS. 23-*;. SOI 

Thit ase of tho historie mfiaitiva, repeated Jng. 67. t ; 69. 
a, ii nnnsttaL as it appliet rmtber to caset of ttrong feelmg or vigorons 
action than to mere potnbHity or latent power fpotte'). 

P. 6S, 1. 1. toeom moTere, • bendy jesta.* 

L 7. o. tt. dolna, origtnally oted io good or bad seaet indifierently, 
at the phraee 'dolos marat' of ohl law impliea. 

Ln. pa ot lo— prorinoia^Le IdacedoiUa.whichAntoniiBCC^e^ 
for its promite of booty and an easy tiinmph over border tribet, and 
Ckero wat ready to reiinqnith thoqgh it had Jallen to his lot It 
retted with the Senate to determine whieh thonld be the eonsnlar pro- 
vinces ibr each year, and the mcoming oonsnls drew lots ibr them or 
arranged between the mseh et at the begmning of thelr term of offce 
in Rome, more tban a year therefbre before they left fbr their ?«—■*—>* 
m the province. The malevolent gotsip of Rome wonld have it that 
Cieero mtended to profit by the extortionate action of Antonint, and 
eent his freedman Hilamt to divide the tpoil with the prooonsnL 
Cicero's own langnage oa the snbjeet in hit iettera it to ambignoos tbal 
it it not eaty to dear him of the charge. 

L it. olientiom, etpedally knightt of Reate wfaom Cicero menrJont. 

L 13. diaa oomiUomm. D. Jnnint Silannt and L. Lidnios Marena 
wereelected. The tpetch of Cicero in behalf ofthe Utter givea maay 
detaflt at to the intrigoet and party passioat of thetima. 

L 14. qnaa....feoerat, Thls sentenot is regarded by some critict 
at an mterpoUrJoo» at a mere repetition of fl omnibnt modia intidiaa 
parabat Oceroni' of § a. Othert wonld rejeet ' consalibos,' at there 
wat no motive for designs against Antonins. 

L15. p ro ep ore - ' pro-spe-re, ' 'aocordiag to hope/at 'atper' - 
* hopeless/ jDomponnded after the analogy of proconsnL promagister; 
Corssen 1.480. . 

L 16. aeparn foecUqoe. An adjective ie often oonpled with th* 
verb, at pait of tbe predicate, where we shonld nse aa adverb; ci $J. 
ao, • vigiUndo agnndo bene oontnlnndo pro tp ef a omnia oednnL 9 

L 18. o. 97. Oamartem, a native of the Umbrian town Ca m e rina m, 
which wat near the aeene of the ootbreak; c£ Ck. pro SnlL io> 53, 
•hoc tempore. . .uW rait SnIU?...nam in agro Camert^. Piceno, 
Gallico, qnat in oraa maihne qnasi morbos qnidam. illint fhrorit 



L 19. dimieit. Tbe agentt mentioned were probably old aoldiert 
whohadoome to Rometo nsetheir inflnenee for Catflineat theelections, 
and afterwards retnrned to ronteto armt the veterantof Soflawhowere 
disptrted ia the military coloniee> 

. L ta» antaala homlnibne, an iattrnmental abL, aa Jng. 59. 3 ; 94.jp 
where the general nset hit menas mttiiiintnti ia military operatioat, 



aoa CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 



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<'• 



L 33. onm tolo osse, forbldden by tfae TwehreTables, as afUrwards 
by the Lex Cornelia ; cf. Cic pio Milooe 4. ix ( 'ipsa lez ette cnm telo 
hominit ocddendi canaa vetat' It maxks a oontnst between the repnb- 
Hoin sodety of Greece nnd Rome, nnd tbe fendal ltfe of medUae^ Enrope. 
nlios far 'ccteros;' ns Jng. 58. 3« 'locnm cepere paulo qnam alii 
editiorem { Jng. io. s ; 63. 6. 

L 35. poatremo. As tbe fncts described bere nnd down to s8. 3 
certamry belong to n later date (tutV Introdoction, p. si) v it bas been 
proposed to regard theSr insertion bere as n mistake of tbe copyists of 
tbe MSSm and to repUce tbem after 31. 4, wbcre they may have come 
originaUy. Tbe foUowing clanse, however (31. 5). wonld come very 
abroptly nfter the acconnt of the taflnre of the tttittint, 

L a& tntompeata noeto. Cl Macrob. Sat 1. 3, 'ab hoc tempore 
prima fax didtnr; deinde concnbia; et deinde intempesta, qnae non 
habet idonenm tempns rebns gerendis.' 

L 37. per. For this sense Jordan compares 44. 1, and 'acta firatr. 
Anr/ ss^t 'in Inco • • . convenemnt per C. Pordum Priscnm.' Wirt, 
however, icmarks that the * ibiqne* fdllowing points to 'ad v instead of 
•per. , 

Ibiqno. Tbe honse of Laeca was in the street called 'inter 
rakariot/ rxom the sickle-makert who once lited there. C£ Gc. pro 
Solla, 18. 5*. 

L 33. o. 28. O. Oornolina. Flntarch names Mardus and Cethegns, 
bot Appian, Lentnlns and Cethegns. 

?• 64, L 1. L. Vargnn toins senator. Cicero (m Cat i.4,o)speaks 
of the design of two 'eqoitet RomanL' 

L s. panlo poat . . salntatuxn. Cfc Jnr. 3. 137, 'Si cnret nocte 
togatns | cnrrere qnnm Praetor lictorem inpellat et ire | pmedpitem 
iobeat, dndnm TigilanrJbns orbis | ne prior Aibjnam ant Modiam col- 
lega saratet.' 

aionti, a *ery rare nse with the sopme. 

L3. tnao, refaringnot to the grammarical bnt to the logical tobjcct, 
as Cactar, B. C 3. 14, 3, 'qoadriremcm cnm lemigibns desensoribosqne 



t 



L 6. iaann prohibitL CL AnL GeU. i& 5, 8, 'Qui domos amplas 
antkmttos mdebant, locnm ante iaanam relmqnebant, qnl inter fores 
domns et viam medins ettet In eo loco qni dominnm emt domna 
f ^Tf*^*— ** ▼cnerantt prinsqoam ft flT ^ tt grffftfuT, ^ f^ ^^^frfn t/ 

L 8. e g e ttat e ao doloro. Thehorrort of thedvil wars hadlasted 
long m Etruria. Volaterra waa the last town to snbmit to SuUa after 
a siege of two years, and its territory, ttke that of Arretinm, was 
torfeftcd, thongh it does not appear to ha*e been paroeUed ont. Bot 
thoobstWestrnggkinusthaTecaneedwidcs^ 



AVTES. CHAPS. 17-19. M3 

L 9. SnHae dominatlone. Th« deepotic witt of SuUa had con- 
nscated much of the land in Etrmia, where the adhcrenta of the laarian 
party had been numeroua. 

L 10. Utronee. Etruria had beeo largery culrhrated by elaiea, who 
probably eacaped and took to brigandage in tronbled timcs. 

L 19. BaUaaia ooloniU Ct Ck. CaL a. 9, ao, 'hi sunt coloni qni 
ae m mtperatii repentinisquc pecnniia snmroosins insokntxttsqne iac- 
tarunt.' 

L 14. 0. 80. anelplti malo, i.e> dangera within and withoot the 
dty; c£ 'andpitem te r ror em intra extraqoc mnnitioncV Cacear, & C 

V 7*. a. 

L 15. prfoato oontfUo. Ckero had reUed ao far only on priTate 
inibrmants and the help of friende. There waa no adeonate police 
fbrce for the defence of the dty at the disposal of tbe magntratct, and 
further poweri were required to aothorite milittry measures. 

L 16. aeaia oonpertam. Stllost omits the ttrongett groanda for 
asking fbr fuUer po w cii the plant concerted in the honte of Leeca, 
according to hit own acconnt which teemt incorrect, and the attempt 
to aatattinate bimselfl Bnt Plntarch tella aa of waming lettert aent to 
Crassos, and bronght by him to Cicero, who laid them before the 
tenate, and confirmed them by a fnU detoription of the plant, naming 
even the day fixed for the riting (Cic Cat. 1. 3, 7, Plnt Crase, 13). It 
wat the fulneti of hit knowledge rather than ita mtigicntai that im- 
pressed the t tiw tf and cautfd the final vote. 

L 17. exagitatam. Thia reading, if eorrect, reqnire* the word to be 
taken in an nnntnal sente, and it wonld be better if we conld have 
'agitatam' aa proposed by Nipperdey (Rh. Mue. 1874, p. 104)» or 
'exagitatum' to refer to 'senatum' aa tuggetted by Korte, bnt the 
MSS. do not warrant either change. 

L 18. anod pleromqne in atrooi negotto. What Caetar ctils 
'fllud e xU em nm atqne nitimnm tenatntcontnltnm, qno nist paene in 
ipto nrbit mcendio atqne m detperarJone omninm salutii, latomm 
•twiama Bunonam ante riftrmmm etL* B. C 1. 1. tt. 

Laaet poteetaa, Thia committion ia otherwite erprttsed by 
'lempoblicam defendendam darc/ or 'operam darent nt impermm 
popnU Romani maiettasqne cont enr ar e tii r.' It may be iUnatrated by 
the modem analogiet of declaring martial law, or a ttate of eiege, or 
reading the riot act, or tntpending the 'habeai corpue* act Iti moat 
etrikmg featuret were the exerdse of the mUitary 'taperhun' within 
the dty waUa, and the sospension of the right of appeal ('provocatio') 
to the popnlar assembly throngh the tribunea. 

movo Bomaao. It ia probablt that thia naage datet only from 
the timca of the Gracchi. Ia earlier daya the appoinrmcnt of a dktatcc. 



1 1 



204 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

» 

was the constitatioQal mode of dealing with a potitical crisis, bnt thia 
feU into disose after the Secood Pnnic War. In 133 the consul Mndns 
ScaevoU, who was an eminent jnrist, declined to exercise extraordinary 
powers at the desire of the senate to pnt down the elder Gracchnt, bnt 
the coosnls of 133 and.isi accepted them» and the ezample was often 
foUowed in the later cWU stmggles, when the tormnla freqnently recnrs. 
Its insertion m Iivy (3. 4, 13 ; 6. 19, 3) is dne probably to the attempt 
of the oligarchic party to forge eartier precedents Ibr their Uter claims. 
The right was uever conceded by the popnlar leaders, and the prose- 
cntkm of P. PopUUns and L. Opimins in the period of the Gracchi, and 
of C Rabirins m 63, made tbe ptotest effecUve. 
9 L ai. maaistratui. • Consnles praetores tribnni plebis qniqne pro 

ooosolibns* are inclnded m the formnU grren by Caesar, B. C. 1. 5, 3. 

L 93. incUoinm aumxnum, i.e. snspending the Lez Valeria which 
enJbrced the * ins prorocationis * and the Lex Scm p ronU 'ne de capite 
crfinm Komanornm minssn popnii indicaretur. 

L 34. nnllina. Bat the lerying soldiers did not directly depend npon 
a 'inssos populi/ and a Cacsarian Uke SaUnst wonld hardly have 
aUowed with an * aUter ' tbat the senate conld oonstitntionaU y confer aU 
these powers 'sine inssn.* The whole paragraph therefbre is of donbt- 
ral character. 

L 35. o. 80. In aonatn litteras reoitaTit. This was done either at 
the inritation of the presiding consnl, or by virtne of the general right 
of the senators to wander rxom the question in debate ('egredi reU- 
tsonem*). 

L 28. alii pottonta, Lity often fiUs half a chapter with the long 
list of pofteats which were said to have occnrred at critical times. 
Solemn forms of prayer and ofterings were provided m the pontifical 
books to meet these warainge. The sUghting way in which they are 
here referred to iadicates perhaps a less religkms temper of mind, 
thongh he speaks of the 'deos neglegere* (ia 4) m a sign of national 

L 30. Oapnao. This was a fiunons training school for gladiators for 
nse b the great amphitheatre of the town, and ontbreaks were Ukely to 
occnr fl ffv r wg that dass» 

L 31. aanatL For tbis old form of tbe gen* cf. Ritschl proem. de 
titnlo Aletr. p. 8: 'knge longeqne latias per aextnm septimnmqne 
saecnlnm altera terminatio(i)patnit: qua et PUntas nsns est constanter 
m fuaerti tmmmiti victi senmti sumftigtmiti et Ennias strepiti tumuiti 
decUnaas; Pacavins ftmeti mesti farti mmiti ; QMXoJructi; Siaama 
mmmti mmiti : g^i— *»«— *-—~t*s m*Lss* 

dooro to. CC note on 53* 1. 

<L Xarctoa Beat oonsal U 68 B.C and aA nw ai d s ptocontnl in 



\ 



v 



NOTBS. CffAPS. 19, 30. t©3 

Cilida,had reodcnd littk aerrice to Loctdlw in the Mhhridatic war, 
and was mperseded by the appointment of Pompeias ae coounander-in- 
chief ia Asia. 

Q.Xetellna. The snroame of Creticos had been ghren ia mockery 
to M. Antonins who had Jailed to coaqoer Crete, bttt Meteilai had 
more claim to the titk. After aa obatiaate war ia 68 B.C. aad the aeat 
year he redaced the islaad to aabmimioa ; bot Pompeiae claimed the 
Iaareh\ aa hia powers c oafai ed by the Gabiniaa biH eateaded over the 
whole Meditcrraaeaa. MeteUos retamed ia 66* bat did aot eater Rome 
ia state till 62, and even thea had to fbrego the p r eacace of the chief 
prisoaers who graced thc triamph of Pompeios» 

L 31. ad urbem imporator— . Governors, who songht a triamph oa 
their retnm from thdr provincee, waited oatside the walla tUl thc qoes* 
tioo was decided, as thej coald aot enter withont layiag down the 
'imperiam.' Ct Pseodo Ascon. ad Cic Verr. a. 17, 'omnii laagistmtas 
qni intra mnranns non est nec nrbanas etiamti admmistrator eina Romae 
est ad nrbem didtnr.' 

L 33. aalnmnia» 'chicanery/ The root is foand in 'cahrere/ 'carina,' 
'incilare/ 'incolumis/ «aAadav tnd the termination ia 'aatnmaas/ 
'aernmna,' 'colnmna,' etc (Corssen, s. 172). The term is applied ia 
Roman law to the rexatioas or fraadulent abnse of legal fbrms (Gaii 
Inst. 4. 178). Pompeins was technicaUy ia the right, as the rictory won 
by a mbordinate commander went to sweU the trinmph of the chie( 
and by the Gabmian and ManUian biUa he snpenedsd sll at the seat 
ofwar. 

P. 66, L 1. honeeta atqne inhoneeta Yendere. Imitated probably 
by Tac Ann. a. 38, 7, ' qnibns omnia prmdpnm, honesta atqne inhonesta» 
landare mos est.' CC Jng. 31. is. 

L a. Oepuam. It appears from Qcero that his friend the qnaestor 
P. Sestins was also sent to Capna on an independent mission, bnt why 
it is hard to say (pro Sestio 4. 9). 

Q. Xetellna Oaler. Plntarch (Cic x6) tays that he was made 
generaMn-chief in the 6eld, and Cicero's langnage (ad Fam. 5. 3, 1) is 
in harmony with thia. Even in SaUnst Q. Mardas Rex takes a very 
subordinate plaos. MeteUns Celer had retnrned before Pompeias from 
the campaigns in the East, and took a dedded line aa a paxtisan of the 
oligarchy. This year he had saved Rabirins from the vengeance of the 
popnlar party by the trick of removing the nag from the Janicnlnm and 
so diesolving the assembly. As coasnl in 60 he was lodged in prisoa 
by the tribnne Flavins for his nncompromising opposition to an agra- 
rianbilL 

L 3. eiaqua pornricanm These extraordiaary appointments were 
made as in the criais of a • tnmnltaa/ and did not aoeot the claim of the 



to6 CATILINARIAN CONSPIRACYi 

uagistratet to proceed aJterwarda m regular courte to administer their 
'provindae.' It waa probably rather a command than a permission, aa 
Cicero a ?ew days afterwards speaks as a certainty of 'hoc dilectn 
Cjuem in agro Piceno et Gallieo Q. Metellns habnit ' (Cic. Cat. a. 3, 5). 

1. 6. praamium. From 'prae' (or • prmi *) • emere,' like 'praetor'- 
'praentor,' 'praeda' from ' prae>henda,' ' praebere ' from 'prae-hibere,' 
* praedes ' from * prae-vides ' (Corssen, a* 715). 

L 8. famiHao. Extended from the members of a honsehold nnder 
the control of a 'paterfamiliaa' to a gang of slavcs kept for exhibitioo, 
cc as armed retamers io the serrice of the nobles. There was obrious 
dangcr of thcir employment in a riot CL Caesar, B. C x. 15, 5, * gia* 
diatores . . . drcnm familiares conventus Campaniae cnstodiac cansa 
distribnit' 

Oajraam. There is an obvious tacoosistency in sending gladiators 
to Capua at the very time whcn there werc rnmonrs of eerrile insnrrec* 
tion in thmt neighbourhood. Probably Sallnst has confused in this 
chapter what passed at different times. 

L 10, Yigiliae. A regnlar focce of watchmen did not eiist at Romc 
tall it was organised by Auguetue. 

minoroa magietratua. Thesc were technically all below the rank 
of consul, praetor, and censor, and they were said to have only * minora 
anspida,' but here the 'trium^nccturarand the'aediles' wonld be 
epccially co o c c r nc d. 

L 16. o. 81. rei poblioao macoitndino. This cansal abl. mnst 
qualify 'insotttns,' bnt tbc constr. is unusual, and it has therefore been 
proposed to iasert the prep, 'in* befbre 'rd pubUcae,' or to omit 'pub- 
Jicee.' 

L sa. lego Flautla. Cf. 18. s. The Lez Flantia de vi is mentioned 
hcre for the 6rst timc in history, bnt P. Clodins and others werc after- 
wards proaecnted nnder it. Probably it waa bronght forward by 
M. Plaatins Sifranns in 89 B.C, and prorided for prosecntion before tbc 
jury conrts cf officials and senators only, if guilty of violence or breach 



intesYccatas tnt ab I*. Panlo. Cf. note on x8. 9. Thc qnes* 
tion was however pnt 07 the magistrate, not by thc proeecutor, bnt thc 
Jaaccnmcy is probably dne only to brevity of expression (Znmpt, Crimt- 
adprccess, 174). 

Ls+elomt. Jordaa compares tbe use of tbia m 38. 3 ; 53. 5. Some 
pi*awtoread'si'aftergoodMSS. 

in aonatwm The mceting had bcen tpedally convened by tht 
Ckero. CXCk.mCat s. 6\ is, *senatamin acdem Iovis Sta- 



L t*. toriptam odidit. As the fiat Catflmarian oration. Oeero, 



\ 



NOTSS. CHAPS. 30-3«. 107 

Bke eariler oratort, often wrote out hie tpeechet Ibr publication after 
their delivery, and they were at timet of courae much altered in the 



L 30, ortom. Thlt verb it nted bj SaQaat with tht prep. 'ex' In tll 
other pattagee. Cf. 6. 3 ; 51. 97. 

L 31. paftrioio hominL The pfr^yw or deecendantt of the primW 
tive freemen of eeriy Rome wcre now t very tmtll proportion cvcn of 
the noblet, It htt been ctlcnltted that of 415 known memben of the 
eenate of 55 B.C, only 43 wete patridant (WiUemt* Senat, 1. 555). 
Attempts to iccmit their nnmben were made by Juliua Caeaar, Augne* 
tue, and Claudiua. Ct Tac Ann. xi. %$, 3, * paacia iam retiquit fiuni- 
liarnm qnat Romnlnt maiormn et L. Brutut minornm gentium appeDa- 
verant, eihanttit etiam quee dictator Caetar lege Ceatia» at princept 
Auguttni lege Saenia, eublegere.' 

L 3t boniflni» An ancettor had done good tenrice m the Second 
Pvnic War t fighting on after receiring two-end-twenrr wonndt (Pliny, 
N.H. 7. ao). Another led the camlry m the wnr win Peneut (Lfr. 

44- 4*)« 

tn plebem Boaanam* The patricitn Catflme wat not liker/ to 

boatt before the tentteof what huancettorthaddone fortheplebem par- 

ticnlar. The gennine readmg majr be *in popnlnm Romanam/ the 

imtiahciwhichaloMini^tbewrittenmtheearliettMS& or*mrem 

pnblicam'(R.P.). 

P. 66, L 1. Inqtrtlhrae. A retident clien. like the Greek ^tmmi. 
It it of oonrte inaccnrateiy nted of Cicero, at the natrvet of Arpinnm 
had the rall fianchite. • Inqnilinue ' from • mcola/ at 'esquilinut' from 
'ex-cola* (Cortfen, t. 10*4). 

eiTte. Rejected with tome xtneon by Dletech nt unusnal.with 
• inquilinnt * and ' nrbit Romae.' 

L t. malediota. Bnt Cicero eaye, «A nobit homo andtciteimnt 
Catilina in tenatn aecutatua obmntuit' (Orat 37. ito). The tannt 
at Cioero abofe teemt to hava been xealljr uead betora the dectlon 
in 64. 

L 5. raina roettngnain. Tbit threat of Catfline wat addreand to 
Cato according to Cicero, pro Mnrena 33. 5, • qunm Cetooi recpondietet, 
ti qnod ettet in fortunat eaaa incendxnm excitatum, id te non nqna aed 
ruina rettincturum. 

o. 83. onxi*. Derhed, accordmg to Coneen (1. 354% not from 
'eo-riria' (Pott\ or «vale (Lenge), bnt from a root j£aw»'ee*er' 
(whence 'cutJa/ «vret, «navk, 'canta,' 'tcutum,' 'cara*), and thetefore 
meaning 'houce, itt older xorm bemg 'caaia.' The aenate wat at tmt 
tlmeaittmg in the templeof Japlter Stator n the VU Sacra (Oc. Cat. 
X. j, u^ not m the Cnx» Hottflia, itt utual meetme^pltet, whioh 



I 



108 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. • 

sopposed to date firom the kingly period, and had becn enUrged by 
Solla. Other pUces were occasionslly chosen for special reasoos at the 
discretion of the consnU. 

L 7. inaidUe oonanlL It seems better to expUU the dathre here as 
foUowing fromthe verbal meaning of * UsidUe,' Uko 'miseriU snis reme* 
dinm mortem expectare' (40. $\ than to anderstand a part like 'inten- 
tae' with Dietach, or to speak of a 'darJYos incommodi' with Krits. 

L 8. fectn. Krits and others prefcr the 'mctnm' of some MSS. as a 
past part, as sJso in 55. 1 ; 57. 5 ; Jog. 107. 5, comparing the general 
Ungnage of 'honestamne fcctn sit an tnrpe dnbitant ' of Cic. Off. i. 3, 7, 
with that of Hor. Sat i. 4, 134, 'she ▼etabat, an hoc inhonestnm et 
inntile foctum necnesit, addnbites/ where the particnlar case is regarded 
asiealised, MSS. anthority and Latin nsage teem in faTonr of 'fcctn.* 

L 15. poeeent . . . oonnrment This change of tense after an his- 
toric present is not rare in Sallnst, and the imper£ conj. eipteues the 
indefinite possibilities of the case. 

L 17. 0. 83. Maroinm Begom. This is the only oertain exceptioh 
in Sallnst to the common order of the names, the rnle being that where I 
the praenomen is omitted the cognomen shonld come first Jng. 15. 3 
we ha*e ' Aemilias Scanrns,' bnt some editors insert " M? Caesar, how- 
ever, in the BelL CW. and later writers of the first centnry arrange names 
as in tfals case. Cl Lahmeyer, FhiloL 1865, p. 486. 

1 ai. ienereAornm. *Fenns a fctn qnod crediti nnmmi alios parant/ 
Festos,p.86\ Cfc 'fcmina,' 'fecnndna/ 'fcnum,' 'fclix,' 'fiuus/ 

L 33. patriao . . . famn. Notethe6Ufterenceofcase,andc£ Jng.74.fr 
'Romani signomm • • • aliqnanto numero, hostinm pancomm politL* 

L 33. more maiorum lege utL Many attempts had been made of 
old to check nsnry by posfttae Uw. Cfc Tac Ann. 6. 16, 3, 'primo 
dnodecim tabnlis sanctnm ne quU nncUrio fcnore ampuns exerceret ... 
dein rogatione tribnnicU (Le. of 347 B.C.) ad temnncUs redacta, pos- 
tremo vetita versnra,' by Lex Gennda (343 B.C.). 

L 14* Hberum oorpua. The insohrent debtor of early times became 
thebocdsmanof thecreditor, andmight be sold as a sUve. Cf. Livy6. 
34, 3, 'fcma atqne corpore iudicati atque addicti creditoribus satis- 
fcdebant' ThU was met by the Lex PapirU of 335, which proyided 
'pecunUe creditae bona debitoris non corpos obnoxinm esset' (Liwy 
8.^4). 

L35. aaepo. TheLexSextU IidnUof 377 B.C aHowed the Uterest 
already paid to be dedncted from the capital of the debt In 396 
nsnrers were hesfily fined by the tribones. The Lex FUminU minns 
sobendi of 317, by rmising the nominal Taluc of tht denaiins, enabled 
debtofstopayoffthekdebtsbypartpayment 

.71» 'Tostri' of neariy all MSS. U thns corrccted.on 



v 



•-■ / 



NOTES. CHAPS+ 39-34. 109 

the uuthority of AuL GelUus, who suys fhut the copyists *in plerisque 
SullustJi esenpuuribas tcnptuium istnm smcerissiinuin corruperuut 
(90. 6, 14). 

L s6. norinvumo. Purists Uke M. Vurro objected to fbJt word 
'nimium novum ▼erbum ojuod etteV und Ocero uuet it ^ery teldorn» 
C£ AuL GelL 10. ti, who impUet thut thc muuence of tt. Cuto und 
SuUust guve it enrrency. 

L 38, boniu, The retpectnble clssses, men of substunee und chnxuc- 
ter. In one of his fingments SeUust mukes the contrust of 'boni* und 
•muU ' tum on mesns ; elsewhere it distinguishes the eouuenrutrve und 
rudicul tendendes. Ct 19. 5. 

urguntom uere uolutum. The luw of L. Vslerius Fluecus in 86 
B.C., cslled by VelL Puterculus (3. 33, 2), 'turpissimue legis unctor quu 
creditoribus auudruntem tolri iussersV Le. one-lburth of the debt wnt to 
be uccepted us puyment in fulL Thebranmsvwsswormone-feurthof 
the tiWer testerce. This legulised comporitioa, us in bsnkruptcy, wns 
due in purt to the greut losses cuused by the If ithridutic wurs, und wus 
the greutest rmsncisl ucbieTement of the dcmocrutic lcuders. Itreliefed 
ull debtors whether sobent or not, und wus uot likeljr to be ucceptuble 
' omnibns bonis.* 

uuopo. Three or rbur oocusions only ure tpedned in the eurly 
unnuls of such secession to the Mons Sucer us in 494 B.C, to theAventine 
in 449, und to the Juniculus in «87, uud these ure refcrred by the un- 
nulists to the presinre of debt or to muteriul outrages, not to uny 'domi- 
nundi studium.* But the cluim of the.putriduns wus thut they were the 
true people of Rome» und the plebs only outsiders who hud no right to 
politicul privUeges or power. By the protest of u Secession the plebs 
took them ut thdr word, und uflected to retire from u dty where they 
were treuted but us uUens. Bnt the putridsns could not beur thut Rome 
should sink into the petty stute which' hud grown to power oniy by 
such ucces si o ns of popalutiou fiom without* und the thrent brought 
themtoterms» 

P. 67, L s. Inlauitnn prnetorls, 'the bius of the judge/ who 
would not enforce the luw uguinst the usurers. 

L 5. o. 84. Tellont*. . . disoudnut. Thii chunge of tense itun 
irregulnrity which hus been thought un imitution of the styk of Thucy- 
dides (c£ Poppo. Thuc i. 974). 

L 10. optumo ouique. 'To uU thc mcn of murk/ Le. the op Hmttct . 

L it. Muusilium. Mussfliu wus un uUied dty to which u Romun 
theiefoiemightretirebythe'iusexiUL' In euriier duyt such u reruge 
might be found neur ut hnnd, but us the independent oommunities weru 
gruduuUy swuUowed up by Romu, it wus needfui to go fnr to Sutt ot 
West, ut to Rhodet or to Mtitoulct, 



y 

SIO CATIUNARIAN CONSPIKACY. 

L 14. oreretur. Note the nnnsnal form of this word, uto which 
there is mnch divergence in the MSS. 

L 15. Q. Oatnlna. Now the moit prominent representatsve of the 
sgnstorian oligarchy. C£ note on 49. a. - 

L 16. exemplum, 'copy.' 

L 18. o. 85/ magnis ln meis perionlis. Catiline is aaid to have 

owed to the infloence of Catnlna hia acqnittal in thetrial for the sednc- 

tionofthepriestestofVesta. C£ 15. 1 ; Orositts 6. 3. 

fldrurlam . • . tribnit, * enoonrages me to tmst my interesU to 
■ 
jonr carc 

L so. satiafaotionein, 'explanation/ not so strong a term as 
'apology.' 

oonsolentia de onlpe» Ct Cic Att a. 34, a, 'his de rebos con- 
scinm csse Pisonem.' 

1. si. modiTtsfldfna, 'so may the god of troth help (• invet ') me. v 

L 33. indnstriao; iirom • tado-strnere/ *to be bnsy in doors.' 
Corssen, a. 190. 

etatum dlgnitatis, •the rank which I deserved.' Cp. Cic 
Att 1. 30, 3, 'neone de statn nobis nostrae dignitatis est recedendnm.' 
Sallnst here makes the repnlse of Catiline the real gronnd of the con- 
• spfamcy. 

L 34. pubUoam miaororom oansam. Cf. CatitiWs speech • in 
contione domestica.' Cic pro Mnr. 35. 50» 'miserorum fidelem defenso- 
rem negasset inveniri possc, nisi enm qni ipse miser esset' 

L 35. non auin . . . at. Some editors prefer 'ct* aftergood MSS., on 
the gronnd that the debts were in both cases those of CatUine, thongh 
on difierent secnrity. Jordan rnistrnsts his own conjecture ' at 

L 28. hominoa bonoro honestatoe. Note the alliteration, and cf. 
FUntns Capt s. a, xo6, 'quum me tanto honore honestas.' Tne refer- 
ence is to men like Cicero, L. Licinins Murena, the first consnl of his 
family, and D. Jnnins Silanns, a plebeian. 

L 33. baroto. The earlier spelling of this word in the Inscriptions 
is withont the k % and this seems in acoordanoe with the derivation firom 
the root os*- (Greek AW) found in 'antnmnns.' Qnintilian says (1. 5» 
soV 'paxchttime ea (sc H littera) veteres nsi m vocatibns, cnm aedos 
ircosqne dicebant,' bnt this is not svpported by thr cvidence of inscrip- 
tions before Jnlitts Caesar. C£ Corssen, x. 104. 

P.66,Li. 0.86. O. Plaminlum. Several MSS. add ' Flammam/ 
which was a c ogno men of tae 'gens Flaminia,' asappears from Cic Att 
14.16. 

L 3. OTornai. The verb 'omare' is often nsed for the snpply of 
ht stores m a provmoe. 
ttUit impssl Insfgnftme These, m sddinon to the twelve 



NOTES. CHAPS. 34-36. *I £ 

lktort with their bandles of rods ('msces') which contsincd tho iu 
('secoris')» were the cnrale chmir ('seUm corulis'X the militmry dosk 
('pslodsmentam*), which in the field icplmced the togm with h» pnrple 
ttripe ('prmetextm*)» •* *b° tk* «word ('P**»')- Cf.Suetott.Geib. ir, 
' iter ingrestnt ett pslodmtat nc dcpeodente m cerricibas pagione mnte 
pecius, 

1. 5. bootU. Cl note on 50, 3. 

L fi. sin* frmvde. An oW formuUnsed mtheXnTsbles foc'with- 
ont gnilt/ snd nsed by lster writers, ss Cicero, Philip. 8. 11, 33, 'hs 
fimndi ne sit onod cuni M. Antonio raerint.* Cnctmr in s Uke pmssmge of 
BelL GsiL 5. 51, 3 hss •sine pericnio' ns the eqaivsieot 

L 7. prMttr. Used mdverbimily, as Saeton. Tiber. 4, 'nullo prneter 
mngarmlis smcerdotii honore impertitam,* 

L 8. dileetam. The form of the word denotes, not thc choice of 
the soldiers, bnt the distribation of the recraits of emch tribe thmt wms 
cmiled apon in tarn mmong the fear kgiont of the ordinmry Urrj, ms 
detcribed by Polybint. 

Antonias cam exerelta. Itmiy hmd cemsed to rmnk mt m regnlmr 
'provind* * of the consais in time of wsr, mnd this extxmefdinmry eom- 
mission did not therefore mftcct the sabseqaent dmims of Antonias. 

L 11. nd ooomsnm mb orta. C£ Hor. Cmrm. 4. 15, 15, 'poxrcctm 
msiettss md ortas | solis mb Hesperio cnbilL' 

L 14. opetinmttm, formed like 'destinmre,' 'prmettinmre/ rrom m rool 
'ttmnmre/ lengthened fiom 'stmrc' At to the orthogrnphy, c£ QnintiL 
X. 7, 7, 'cnm dico obtinuit, mmindsm b littermm rmtio posdt, mnret mmgb 
mndinnt/.' At the mctnml pronnncimtion inclined to the^ ms in 'lmptas/ 
there is some hesitmtion shown ms to some tnch wordt in intcriptiont 
mnd MSS. (Corssen, 1. lao; 3. 416). 

L 15. ex tnntn maltitadine. Two points in the story tre resiljr 
striking: first, the mbtence of informert ; mnd secondly, the smmli nnmber 
of the sccomplices, who were foand gailty mnd panished mt the Inst 

L 16. indnotas. To be tmken probmbly with 'quisqatm,* for Smilost 
does not nse pmrticiplcs in the mmscnline singnlmr ms snbstsntives, thoaglL 
they occar in the plarmi, ms the 'condemnstis* mbove. 

oonia rmt ione m pmteieoermt. Q. Cnriat it here igoored, Ibr hit 
disdosarescsjnebeforethepablkoncrsof3a6. The mct is t striking 
donbt, mnd mmy saggest donbts mt to the lenlity of to widelj cii cu d cd' 
m plot of long tttndmg. 

L 17. mo reiatL The snggestion of Hmapt (PhiloL 3. 547) for the. 
'mtnueuti*ofthe best MSS. «UtT is, however, thnt nted mt byTmc 
Hist 1. 46, 3, 'gregmrint milet nt tribatnm mnnanm pendebmt;' mnd 
Fcstus, p, 350« quotes the pmstmge whh 'ad' (c&Nipperdey, R. M. 187* 
p. sos> , 

Pl 



) 

t 

t > 



i 

* 

I 



91 1 CATILWARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L io. a 87. alien*. For thie anosaal sente compare the French 
mcitm fmUhUt - f hmatic atylam.' 

L ai. id adeo. A fiwoarite phrate of Seilnst (d f 11, and Jug. 
65. 3; na 4) when a ireth reejoo is saggetted to intensily an eariier 



L 93. odla Steap (Rh. Mas, 1870, p. 636) objects to this woid 
immediatdy efter f odere,* and eoggetts 'taedio,' aa Jng. 6a. % 'taedio 



L a6. ea tcto. An expreafhre pleonaam; d 58. 16. 
praeoepe «re^ Le. f ad Catilinae incepta ptobanda* from f 1. 
C£ Jug. 6. 3, * praeceps ad explendam animi cnpidinem ;* Tac, Ann. 16. 
ai, 3, f animnm ad flagitia praedpitem.* It ia mmecessarj to adopt 
withKrits thereeding f ierat'oftwo infcrior MSS. on the ground that 
'praeceps' feanires a verb of motion. 

L ea poetoremo omnee, Thia adda to the class of rnined spend- 
thrifts ( f qni per dedecora*) others driven fiom home by Yidous conrses. 
* deinde* refcrt to others ttirred by ambitiont hopes. There is no reason 
ibr tnppotmg with Nipperdejr (R. M. 1874, p. 905) that the two clanses 
shoold be tnntpoted, on the groond that the latter detcribet a tpedal 
cate of the Jbrmer generalitation. 

L 3a tloat in eentinam. Cicero had ottd thit metaphor with effect 
against RnUot» when he orged that he implied in hit agrarian propotalt 
'arbanam plebem exhaariendam ette • • • qaati de aliqoa sentina • • • 
loaneretar' (de Leg. Agr. t. 26, 70). 

L 31. CNgtfiit militibne. While there ia a general ezprearion for 
the f rank and file* of the Romaa army, there ia none toch for the 



alioe eonatorec rldebent. CL Dionya. HaL 5. 77, frvKfr Im t&* 
Iwir w xfo* ** o > t> aV swr ewttr/jci, though according to the epitome of 
Lby 89, and Appian 1. 100, Sulla*t new tenatort were choten from the 



L 33* alioe Ite dMtea A centnrion, L. Lotctnt» it said to hare 

mmmmZmA m p i ^ it j i mM »*n inffltwi mi wmm*mm*mm mm\A* A««> *f thm plmwW 

ofthetim* 

P. 69, L 1. manunm meroede, f mamial kbow,' not confined to 
hmtd laboorera, who were tew m mnnber. C£ Varro de Re Rntt 
jl pgeC 3» f patrct ftipffitin conepteront relictit felce et aratro et 

maroeront in theatro ae drco, qoam m tegedbot ae 




L a. It^ttalbae. Thete mott fieqoenily took the tbnnof thetale 
of oom beiow eott price, or cven at a nominal rate, either by the 
fowermncnt er by cdsciala at thcir own cott. An eariy ezampleof thit 
it ttenrioned in 439 *X. (Lfry, 4. 16, t). Othert foUowcd, bnt the 



NOTES. C8AFS.$l $ Z%. 81 3 

practicewas not made a regnlar enargenpon the treasury tiU theLex 
Fnmientariaof C &acchasin 1*3. It wns sntpended indeed by Solln, 
bnt re-enacted by tbe La Terentia Cassia of 73, and as it was Ihnited 
to tbe dtiaens at Rome, it donbtless attracted many thither. Besides 
thh\ there were occasional distribntions of oil or wine ('eongiaiia*) 
below cost prioe (Iivy, 35. a, 8; 37. 67, n\ •» well as presents to tbe 
soldiers disbanded after a trinmph, or in Uter dnys as 'donathra' dnrmg 
actnal eerrice. 

L 6. inxta. ao, Le. *as Uttle as.' C£ 61. 5, 'cencti snae hostinmqne 
ritae inxta pepercerant* 

L 7. tna libertatia inminatnm. Explained by VelLPaterc. s. s8, 3, 
'exciosi pntemis opibns Uberi etiam pctcndornm honornm inre probibe- 
rentnr.' This waa intended probably not ao mnch aa a penal measore 
aa to prerent them from distarbtng the politkal settlement byagitatione 
in the senate or in pnblic meetmgs (• oontiones'). 

1. II. mnltoa poet nnnoe, *n*e mterral was not really ion£ fior the 
tribnnician power was only limited between 8a and 70 B. c. 

L 13. o. 88. tribnaloU poteetM reetitntn. The great tribones of 
the past generation had abnsed thcir power of pnshing important btlls 
throngb the 'ComitU Trtbuta' withont the aanction of the sennte. 
SnUa deprived them wholly of this inflnence over legislatkn, aa sJso of 
the right to impeach pnbUc men before the oommons» Some powcr of 
veto was stiU teft, bnt we learn from Cioero (in Verr. x. 60) that this 
even was cnrtailed, and it was probably rednoed to the power of sns- 
pending for a time the anthority of the resolntions of the senate. It 
was pronded aJso that no office of state oonld be beld after the 
tribunate, which no ambitions man wonld therefore care to fiU, and it 
wns left as an 'imago sine re' (VeU. Paterc. s. 30, 4), It waa lestored 
to its old importance 70 B.C. 

adnloaoentoa. The term is nsed somewhat widely, thongh the 
tribnnate waa fiUed at times by comparatrfdy yonng aspunnts. 

1. 15. plebom oxngitaro. C£. Tac. Ann. 3. »7, 4, 'neqne mnlto post 
tribunie redditn Ucentia, qnoqno veUent, popolmn agitandL* 

1. 18. eonntnn epoefte, 'nominaUy for the senate thongh reaUy fior 
their own aggxmndixement' Cf. Jng. se> 4, 'cuius rei spedes erat ac- 
ceptio numcnti. 

L so. boneetia nominibna, 'with firir profearions.' The wbole 
passage is eopied from Thucyd. 3. 82, 8, Of 7«V Jr rait v&ovi « / orr aV 
Tft, /urw ovojMnrvff lanri aot fvvpfvooff, VMyvovi ts IvoFO/iMff voAiTMc^ff wwi 
oV«*T*ff*«rfaff a w e) s fl P O ff wponjtfau, to pcr «oa4 X070; l uwifa rn, 
t$km I v o i ofirr o, varr) 81 Tsvvei wrp m {ipmm dAAsftaw vea i jf f ■ tww m^ 

VTOA^fljOWV T€ TOj OOttVvTSTU. 

L «3. neque . • modeetia nequo modu*. C£ 11. 4. 



214 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L 95. o. 30. beHum maritamum, The piratet had long plundered 
ihe coasts, preyed upon the meichant-shipping, paralysed commerce, 
and canted fiunine pricet m the marketi of Italy, till the bill of Gabiniut 
iii 67 B.C. created an extraordinary command, with nnlimited forces 
orer the whole Mediterrancan, to sweep the eonairs from the teas. 
Pottpems organised simaltaneons morements on a ▼ast tcale and tpeedily 
ovcrpowered resistance. 

Kithrldatloom, Cf. note on 17. 7. 

L 36. paaoorom potentia. Compare the nse of 'potentia' for 
fllegitimate or 'dc facto' influence with the legalised authority of 
'potestas' in 38. 1. 

L 37. innoxtt. Elsewhere in Sallnst nsed actfoely, bot pasrirely as 
here in Tac Hist 4. so, 1, •» nemo obsisteret, iimoxium iter fore.* 

L s8. oeterosque. Ritschl (R. M. 1866, p. 318) thinks the 'qne ' is 
a remnant of an original 'qui,' and that the passage ran 'ceteros qni 
plebem m magistratn pladdins tractarent iodiciis terrere,' bnt it seems 
better to take 'pladde tractare' in the sense of 'handk in a peaceful 
sptrit,* that is withont exdting them against the nobles; d 41. 2, 
'placide iater se rempnblicam tractabant' It was not the interest of 
the oligarchic party to oppress the commons by orert outrages, though 
Iheydidrieglect thebmaterialgood. Some mistaking this ha*e stnmbled 
at the passage and wished to insert a 'ne' before 'tractarent,' others 
propose 'qnom for 'qnot' 

L 99. in magistretu seems to refer to the tribunate, thongh h was 
not regarded as strictly a magistracy. 

L 31. eorum refert either to 'ceteroe/ the leaders of the 'populares,' 
or /rr spusim to ' plebem.' 

adrexlt. Sallnst commonly nses this form insteadof the •0^001' 
of ordinary prose. 

auperior aut aequa manu. This rariety of constrnction is one 
of the ways m which Sallnst gives liveliness to his style; cf. Jug. 6. 1, 
'.pollens viribus, decora fiuae.' So *qoi plos posset' below takes the 
place of the 'potentior • which wonld balance 'ddetsis/ as in Jng. 41. 8, 
*nt qnisqoe potentiori confinis erat' 

P. 70^ L i. quin defeasia et exanguibua. This may point to the 
supp osed hopes of powerml mtrigners behind thc tcenes, lUce Crassns or 
Caetar,,who without actnal complicity ia the plot, might have profited 
ia the long mn by any general disturbance. 

L 5. aooari iuaait, by virtue of the 'patria potestas,' which gare the 
£stherabsolnte right orer his chQdren. Vajeriot Maximns (5. 8) ghres 
at aiostrttions of like oondnct the fitfher of Sp. Cassius, T. ManUnt 
Torqoatns, and M. Scaarns. CC Verg. Aen. 6. 810, 'natosque pater 
bcUa moventet | ad poenam pnkm pro Ubertate ▼ocabat' It wat 



NOTBS. CHAPS. 39, 40. J15 

soppoted, however, that oW ostfee ieqdred the sanctJon of a £unHy 
cooncil in soch cxtremc ceset» 

L 11. 0.40. AHobroffum. Apowertultribebetweea theRhooeand 
the Isere, Haaaibal passed throngh thdr territory on bis way to the 
Alps, aad llwj calls them 'gens Um inde nalla Gallica geate opibns aat 
mma infcrior' (tx. 31, 5). TTiey were defeated with great lcat 07 Ca. 
Domitias in iti B. c, and Q. Fabias Allobrogicas, and then snbjeeted 
toRome. 

L xa. aere alieno obpreaeoa. Thli was a common condition of 
the Roman provinces ; d note below on 'negotiatas, and Gcero pro 
Fonteta 1. 1, ' Hoc praetore oppretsam aere alieno GaUiam. A qaibns 
▼crsaimt tantaram pecaniaram mctat este dicnat f A Gallis f Nihil 
mmos. A qdbas Igitnrt A crvibos Romanis qai aegotiantar in 
GeUia.' 

L 15. bolliooea. Hannibal fboad them engaged In chil war, and 
when the Roman general attacked them he took advaatage of their 
enmity with the AednL They were again driven to despeir by the 
exactions of governort and money-lendert, and at their loyalty in the 
plot of Catiline bronght them no relie^ they rose in iasuii e cti oa, bnt 
were soon crnshed agaia. 

L 15. negotUtoa. In Ganl, as in other pr o v in cet recently anaexcd, 
there had been heavy war-indemnitJet at first, then tithes and taxes 
leased ont to companies of Romaa knights and collected by grasping 
agents, cottly presents aJso to be made to the govemor and hit tnite. 
To provide the necessary ftmds reconise was had to Roman capitalists, 
who lent money on nsnrions termt, and bribed the govemor to allow 
extortionate practicet and enforce payment throngh the sale of mortgaged 
landa. A swarm of spccnlators settled on the conntry to lease the 
tmxet, farm the state lands, contract for the roads and committtriat, 
bny np the lands that came iato the market, and thrive generally 00 the 
distrest of the provindmlt. Thespeech of Cicero pro Fonteio illnstratet 
thit state of things and the callonsness of Roman contciencet ; d 1. 1, 
' referta Gallia negorJatorom est, plena dvinm Romaaornm ; nemo Gal- 
lomm aine dve Romano qnidqnam negotii gerit : nommnt ia Gallia 
nnllnt sine dvium Romanomm tabnlis commovetnr.* 

L 17. legatoe in foro, perhaps ia the Gimeeostasis; c£ Varro de I* 
I* 4, 'locnsmbstractns, nbi oationnm snbtitterent legmrJ, qd ad seaatnm 
etseat mimV Dramaaa 5. 486. 

L 18. oxdtnm tentla malia» 'Malis' has beea legarded as aa abL 
abs* bnt here, at in the like pattage Jug. 14. 24, it seemt better to take 
it as govemed by the Terbal subttaative 'exitma,' and as a somewhat 
bold varyiag of the ordinary genitrve. 

L 19. de araritl* inaj^stratauia. CL Livy, 45. t, i, 'Hiapaaiae 



*l6 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

dcbde ntrinsqne legati mtrodnctL ' Ii de niagistratnnm Romanomm 
avaritia superbiaque conqnesti, nizi genibns a senatn petienmt, ne se 
sodos foedios spoliari vexariqne quam hostes patiantnr.' In tfae neigh- 
bonrfaood of tfae Allobroges tfae requisitions of war faad been fer/ 
faeavy a fcw years before; c£ Cicero pro Fonteio, Fontetns tfae 
pro-praetor was accnsed of imposing faeaty 'octroi* dnties on wine for 
fais personal gain, and of being bribed by tbe contractors of tfae roeds. 
His adTocate can find little eridence in fais defence, and contentsfaimself 
witfa sorry jesta at tfae breeches aad brogne of tbe plnndered Tictims 
('bracati, barbaro atqne immani terrore ▼erbomm*). 

L ai. miseriis suis reinedfum. For tfae constmction, c£ ' edtnm 
snalia/ above. 

L s& aliana oonaili, •stranger to tfae plot* Tfae construction, 
tbongfa nonsnalp is fbnnd m Cic. de Fin, i. 4, n, 'qnisaliennm pntet eins 
csse dignitatis qnam mifai qnisqne tribnit* Sallnst sJso employs 'alienus' 
withtheabL, faotfa witfa and witfaont tfae prep. 'a'; c£ 51. 17; 56.5. 

L 33. o. 41. m inoarto habnera. Sallust Taries tfae pfarase to 'ia- 
certnm babeo' in Jng. 95. 4, and 'in incerto esse/ Jng. 38. 5. Tfae 
pfarase in tfae text may be snggested by tfae h «W*e> cf xorre of Tfanc 1. 

»3t x - 

P. 71» L 4. fbrtuna rci pablieae. Fabri compares Gronor.ad 

Lhr. o» 30, 5, 'mos est Romanis scriptoribos, quae insperatam 
salntem fai magno pericnlo attnlemn^ ea fortnnae popnli Romani 
delegare.* 

L 5. petrooinio. It was a Fabins who aocnsed Fontdns in tfae 
faiterest of tfae Ganls ; cf. Cic pro Font ia. 26, * M. Fabinm rogabimns 
nt Allobrognm animos mitiget, qnoniam apnd illos nomen est amplis- 
simnm.' A Fabius faad redaced tfaem to snbmission in iai n. c, and tfae 
■ family of a conqnering general often nndertook tfae patronage of a 
conqnered racc, as that of Aemilins Panlns was related to tfae Spaniarda 
and Macrdonisns, the Marcelli to tfae Sicilian dties. Tfais patronage 
became a sort of • procuratio/ as we speak of a lawyert clienta, CL 
Oc. de Off. 1. 1 1, 35, «qni crritates ant nationcs devictat bello in fidcm 
icc e piss ent , eornm patroni cssent more maiornm.* 

L 7. prmaoapit Tfaere is some donbt faere, as in Jng. 13. 6 aad 38. 
i, wfaetfaer we sfaonki read 'praecipit* or ' praccepit/ witfa a pres. conj. 
soDowmg. The MSS. di^erge in all ceses, but there are like seqnences 
of pres. after perC in 34. 1 and 53. 14. 

Lo. ba^tneadTerbswtheattribs^e^boaa;' c& • bene ptmedictmY 
Jag.85.s7. 

L 10. m a nnf e eto a haboant, ' bring tfaa guilt deariy faome to tfaem; • 

et note on 52. 36. 

L 14. o, 4JL mofBB etgne toloran. «TtVt^e«btJyoffcmtto 



NOTSS. CHAPS. 40-43. 917 

pons ; 'mnnm/ bere nnrrowed by tbe contrmst to tbe spedfic 



L 18. oitmrlor». FortbJsrendmgoftbeMSS.eotnehn*esubttftnted 
'alteriore/ on tbe groand thmi C Marenm, tbe biotber of tbe consal 
dect, wms probmbly legmte in rarther Gnal (ct Cic. Mar. 41. 89), wbcre 
hkbrotherhmd beenpropfmetor in 64 B.C Tbe reference ii ccrtninly to 
tbe Nmrbonensh\ whether tbe error be dae to SnUast or tbe copyists of 
tbe MSS. Tbe first Une of tbe chapter points to nome iUastrmtion to 
Ibllow ms to botb Geilin Cismlpinm, wbere Q. MeteUas Celer wu in officc, 
nnd to mrther GmnL 

L 19. Ugntut prmoernt. Probmbly left in commind wben bis brotber 
left tbe prorince; end retmining bis oommission by instiactions from tbe 
senrnte. 

1. 11. o. 48. ooiutituermnt. For plar* ct Jag. 38. 6\ 'cohors ana 
Lignrum cam danbus tarmis Tbmcam. . .trmnsiere.' It is asamUy, 
'tboagb not mlwmys, pte fe rred to tbe singalnr by SeJlast in Uke cmses, bat 
is very imre in Cicero end Ceestr. 

L sa. in ignm Tmeenlsnnm Tbis seems strnngely fer from Rome 
to be m signml for m rising witbin tne wmlls, snd 'Fmesulmnum* bms been 
▼mriouly tboogbt to be mn error of tne MSS. fer 'Cmrsolsnnm/ 'Tros- 
salmnum,' 'Aendnnom,' or 'Sabarbmnam.' Tbe lmst woald mmke tne 
bcst sense, bat tbe corraption of tbe MSS. woald be bmrd to explmin. 

Ls3.I1. Beetim. As be woald not enter on office befere December 
ioth, tbe plot conld not hmve fixed mn emrUer dmte fertbe outbremk. 

oontionm, tbe trchnicml term fer m pablk meeting cmUed by m 
mmgistrmte or generml, or tbe bmrmngae deUvered in it, or possibly tbe 
scene(ct AaLGelL 18. 7,6); so 'mctoVisused of the officinl denlings 
witb pabUc mssembly or senmte. 

L 34. optamo ooneuli. Cicero (Att is. si) thinks it Uttle bonoar 
to be spoken of in tbese terms by Bratas in bis Cmto, An encmy, be 
smys, coald scmrcely smy less. 

• L 15. mnltitado • . . qulsau*. C£ m like cmse of cmstr. md 
smtum, SiUas 16. 464, 'ceterm oontenti disoedcnt tarbmdaobas | qaisqae 
ferox imcolis.* 

L 31. fllil tmmiHmrnm. C£ 'nmtmntartinram,' 51.9. Vmrrosmys 
(L. L. 7. 38), 'si mnmlogims seqai Yellent plares pmtres femiUms dkere 
non debaeran^ sed, at Sisennm scribit pmtres miniUmram.* Tmdtns 
seems to bmve imitmted SmUast or Sisennm; c£ Ann. 1. sa, 5 ; 3. 8, % 5 
11. 13, s. 

P. 1% L 1. inter hmeo, CL Jag. 30. 3, 'inter dabititiones et 



1. 4. Jhoto non oonsulto. Imitmted by Tmdtnt, Hist 1. 61, s, 'nbi 
mcto mmgis oamm consalto opas 



1 / 



318 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

L 5. aliia. Tfaisnseof 'alH* for 'oeteri' U aroided by Cicero, bot 
freqoent in Livy (Drager 1. 87). 

L 16. o. 44. datn atque eooepte flde. Sojug. 81. i 9 likethe Greek 
■trlart* ftovrw *d kafiiur. 

L 18. Quls sim. Here, es in like pesssges, tfae MSS. wiicr between 
'qmV and 'quV of whicfa the former would refer to the name and 
identincation only, the second to the character of the writer. The letter 
b abo gtan by Cicero (in Cat 3. 5, ta) in aunilar terms, tfaoegh not 
identical. 

L 11. etiam ab in&mls, Le. firom the slaves whose help Catiline ia 
aaid to faave decl i ned ; ct 56. f . 

maadat» Terbia, '▼erbal instructions/ as Cic Fam. 10. 8, 
' plara etiam ▼erbo qnam scriptura mandata dedimas.' 

L 14. e. 46. oonstituta noote. Dec. and. 

L 26. Zi. Valerio Tlaooo, defended in 59 by CScero in a trial 'de 
lepetundis,' after a propraetorihip in Ada. 

01 Fomptino, afterwards successfully engaged in war with the 
Allobroges, and legate of Cicero in Cilicia. 

L 17. in ponte Kulrio. Now 'ponte Molle.' 

L 39. opus ait . . . permittit. When the conjonction of a dependent 
claase precedes sa historicsl present Cicero almost inyariably pnts it in 
the past tense, and Caesar commonly. SaUast has one other exception 
to the mle (Jog. 103. 3) ; Iivy many more (DrMger 1. 809), 

L 31. utrlmque, at dther end of the bridge, fbr the men had been 
posted in smbnsh to cnt off their retreat as wetl as adrance. 

L 33. oito. As the whole thing had been arranged with the Allo- 
broges, who were prepared for tfaeir arrest, the 'dto a seems qnite ont of 
place. 

P. 73» L 5. dedit» pres. of 'dedere; • ct Jug. 33. 5. 

L 9. o. 40. porro, ' on further reflection s ' an extension of tfae porely 
local sense of Jng. s8. 6. C£. also Jng. 1$. 7. 

L xs. rei publieae perdundae. Not a dathre, as tfae coatrast to 
'ooeri * migfat seem to imply, bnt a genitive, as 6. 7, 'regium imperium, 
qnod initio c o nscr r a ndae libcrtatis . . . fuerat* Tfais construction, tery 
mre in Ckero, is especially frequent in Tadtns. 

L 15. oeteti aine mora. Cicero says tfaat Lentnlns csme late be- 
canse fae faad been sitting ap writing letters, contrary to fais asnal faabtts 
<in Cat 3. 3, 6). 

L 18. in aenarnm Regarded as snspicioas becaase tfae words ' in 
aedem Coacordiae* seem to make tfaem ncerileiij bat thoagfa 'per- 
dedt* csn be ased absolutdy, some indication of tfae locality seems 
teqsMte, and the otfaer words add rorther denmteness. 

Laj.e.47. x^p«blio%'iBid^pcoa^ofpaidon.* C£Jug.3*.i. 



< 



NOTES. CHAPS. 43-47. 919 

L 17. nlhil ampliua sciro gnnm legatos, 'knew no more than 
ae envoys did.* Objeetion to tbis rendering has been taken on the 
;rotind that the confession is too mcagre to suit the ' omnia . • • aperit ' 
bove, and that Volturdus would not be expected to compaie his koow- 
edge with tbat of others. Bat nothing better has been proposed. It is 
ery forced and harsh to make 'legatos ' the object of * sdre/ ttill more 
rith Xrits to take ' nihil ' for 'neminem.' 

1. 31. ox libris Bibjllinla. The Sibylline books consisted, m their 
ludeus, at least of oracles which had been bronght from Gergis in the \ 

[road, and from Erythrae to Csmpanis, and thence to Rome in the 
eriod of the last Tarquin. A wave of HeUenic influence passed with 
liem, and nnder their infloence the worship of Apollo snd of other 
ods of Greece soon foliowed. Their contents were regarded as state 
ecrets, snd the spedal board appointed for their cnstody ('qnindedm- 
iri sacris mdnndis*) consnlted them only in grave crises at the bidding 
f the senate rather to learn the reqnired fbrms of ceremonial service than 
efinite disdosnre of the rature. Bnt nnanthorised prophedes leaked 
ut at times, fireely interpreted by the fancy of the people^ and nsed as 
11 this case for personai or party ends. So it was brnited abont that 
liere was an oracle to snpport the daim of the kingly name for Caesar 
Cic. de Div. a. 54). For earlier cases, cf. Lnry, 3. 10, 7, and 38. 45. 

L 33. CHnnam. L. Comelios Cinna, consnl in 87 B.C, headed a 
optdar reaction against the oligarchy, dnring the absence of Snlla in 
iie East He was driTen to fly and deposed nnconstitntionaUy by the 
enate, bnt retnrned trinmphantly with Marins, and lorded it orer Rome 
s consnl year after year tiU his death in 84, bnt left no trace of any 
ower or will to reform the goveroment of Rome or improve the condi- 
ion of the snbject peoples. VeU. Patercalns calls him ' in consaltando , 
emerarinm, in exeqnendo virnm.' 

antea, aa tertitun oase. It has been thonght that 'fnisse' 
iinst have dropped out of the text after ' antea/ bnt there is a similar 
onrasion of tenses or eUipse in Jng. 81. 1. 

P. 74, 1. 1. ab inoeaso Oapitolio. The great temple of Jnpiter was 
estroyed by fire on Jnly 6,^683 (Plntarch, SnUa, 37), and Tadtos 
lys •tivili bello sed frande privata' (Hist 3. 73, t\ thongh the canse 1 

ras reaUy nncertain. It was not rebnilt in time for Solla to dedicate it, 
hoc solnm felidtati eins negatnm.' The temple restored by L. Catnlus 
ras agsin destroyed in the eMl wars of 69 A.D., and the mmdsofthe 
isnrgents in Ganl were exdted by the news, 'nihU aeqne qnam incen- 
inm Capitoliiy nt finem imperio adesse crederent, impnlerat' (Tac 
list 4. 54, 3). 

L s. harusploea. Properly 'those who pried mto the en- 
' of the victims; fiom the same root as 'hariolos,' x***t» X^*f 



1 > 
• 



» « 



» 1 
1 






V 

t 

• . 
I 

t 

i 
I 



» , 
1 



SSO CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

(Corssen, i. 509). For the professional character of the ' harospices/ 
c£ note 00 Jng. 63. i, 

L 4. tAgnm aoa oognoriaaent, 'admitted that the seals were theirs.' 

L 5. abdloato maglstroto. The osoal phimse ii ' abdicare se ma- 
gistrato/ bot the form in the text occars in Lity, and wu perhaps 
a novelty of Sallnsfs copied by others. A Roman magistrate conld not 
be deposed 07 the senate, thongh the inflnence of the whole order was 
often bronght to bear on an official who was said by the priests to have 
been 'vitio creatns/ and he was invited to resign ; as were others also 
when interests of state seemed to reqnire it In 87 B.C. the senate de- 
graded Qnna from his consnlship» bnt nnconstitntionally. 

In Uberie ooatodiie. Besides the little prison on the Capitoline 
hill (TaUiannm), there were other cells which dernred their name (' lan- 
tnmiae *) and probably their character froin the Greek stone qnarries. Bnt 
it had long been the practice of the magistrates to keep criminals in 
arrest in thdr own honses (Cic. Verr. 5. 19, 73), or to discharge them 
on bail ('vades*) till the trial, or to consign them to relations and 
others who, in extreme cases, were held responsible with their own 
Ihres for their safe keeping. This last was the * libera cnstodia.' Fora 
like case nnder the Empire, ct Tac Ann. 5. 8, 9. 

L 7. Oethogne. There was fnrther evidence of the qnantity of arms 
Ibond in his hoese. C£ Cic in Cat 3« 3, 8, 'ex aedibos Cethegi . . . 
maiimnm sicarnm nnmernm et gladiomm extnlit.' 

L 10. 0. 4& patafaota. Cicero sayt (pro Salla, 14. 43) that he had 
shorthand notes of the evidence taken by fonr senators, 'qoos scie- 
bam memoria sdentia consoetodine et celeritate scribendi facilfime, qnae 
dicerentnr, perseqni posse/ Copies of these were widely dispersed over 
Italy and the profinces. 

L i& qolppe onl . . . erant, Sallnst alwayt pnts 'qnippeqnl' with 
an indic* thongh in 57. 4 'ntpote qni ' takes a conjnnct, and 51. 8 'qni • 
in a cansal sense does the like. Bot Sallost has a marked preference for 
theindic 

L 14. Ifontolna . • . foprehenel, •the seisore of Lentnlns,' Per- 
haps the only example in Sallost of the nse of a pesshre pertudple for 
an abstract ▼erbal snbstantive. In early writers it is nearly limited to 
the ablathe, like 'sdto,' 'frcto/ with 'opos est/ Caesar aroids the 
coostroction, bot it is cspecially fieqnent in liry (Drager, s. 759). 

L 33« toc aegotiie priraUa. Many of the nobles were largely in 
debt to the wealthy Ciassos, whose political mflnence was nrach m- 
crceeed by soch uivcttmcnts. 

L 33. utt reieretor. The technical expression for the preaidingma- 
gistrate who brooght a sobject before the senate ('referre*). He might 
potadcanittresolntionbe^them^and take an immediate toU opon 



NOTSS. CHAPS, 47-49. S3I 



L Commonly he prooeeded to open the debate and call oa the 

oii to apeak in their pioper tnm ('consulere eenatnm, sententias 

ogare'). 

F. 75, L 3. poteetatem. Sc. 'mbHcawlVfrc^ thc 'mdicaiet* which 
bUows. 

L 7. Inmleenm. 'snbornebV Tadtus followa this use, Aon. 4. xe* x, 
iauniafns Varro oonsuL' 

L 8. pntrooinio. Plutarch apeaka of the readineai with which Craa* 
ni gave hia help in the conrta of law, and of the inflnence whieh he, 
ike Cicero and many others, gained by hla aeal and talenta as an 
idYocate. 

L ix. o. 40. O. Piao. A determined aristocrar, who as comnl in 67 
I.&, riaked the fnry of the mob by oppceing the claim of extnordinary 
towers for Pompdue, and by the tannt that *if he wonld be a Romnlna 
le might haply meet his doom.' He aleo atrennonaly oppoaed the 
fforta of the tribnne C Comelina to limit the oUspersmg power of the 
enate, and to check bribery by heayier penaltiee, 

neque pretio. Most of the MSS. hare 'neque precibns neqne 
;ratia neque pretio,' but.'gratia' wonld inclnde 'pfedbua/ and Prisdan 
inotes the pasaage as in the text, which is in accordance with the nsage 
»f Sallnst dsewhere. QL Jng. 19. 3 ; 16. 1 ; as alao with that of Septi- 
nins Sererns, an imitator of Sallnst 

L 15. in iudioio peoonlarnm. The crime 'icpetimdarnm' waa 
iride enough to corer various other abnses of offidal power m the pro- 
rinces, bnt the 'supplidum ininstnm ' may have been the inotfre, without 
xing explidtly bronght ont in the trial, for Jnlina Caesar looked on 
he Transpadani as his political clients. 

L 17. maxumia honoribue usua. Catnlns had been conanl in 78 
ind censor in 65 B.&, and waa 'omninm coniessione senatns princepe' 
VdL Paterc s. 43, 3). He paraally restored and conaecrated the 
emple of Jnpiter Capitolinns in 69, thongh Jnlina Caesar tried in 61 to 
■ob him of the credit of the work* 

L 18. aduleeoentttlo. Caesar waa in hia 37U year, bnt etfll yonng 
br so angnst an office as that of PonnTex maxunua. C£ 38. 1. 

L ao. xnuneribua. Referring to hia extravagant ontlay on the ahowa 
la aedile, when he exhibited the Megaleaia and Lndi Romani on a 
nagnificent scale. The gladiatora whom he brooght on the atage were 
imited by the aenate to 320 pairs, bnt they wore silTer armour fbr the 
iisttime. 

grandem perninlam, Even befon he hdd any pnblie office hia 
iebta are eaid to have amounted to 1300 talenta (Plnt Cace, 5). In 6x 
to. he eould not leare Rome fbr his provmce until M. Craasns satiafied 
ua creditors lor hinu 



» 



• » 



t . 



1 



1 



• 1 



1 

1 
» 

♦ . 



* 



322 CATIUNARJAN CONSPIRACY. 

L 24. oqoites Bomani. As representing the material interests of 
the moneyed men endangered by a social rerolution. They weie more 
freqaently 00 the popnlsx side, and it wss the especisl object of Cicero 
to strengthen the 'concordia ordinmn * bet w een knights and senate. 

1. 27. ogrodienti ex senatu. EkewhereSallust always nses 'egredi' 
withoat a prepos. before the abL Soetonius refers the threats to the 
later scene in the senate (Dec 5) when the debate was held onthe 
ponishment of the conspirators (Caes. 14). 

L 32. o. 60. opinoes. The mechanic clssses were recruited chiefly 
Jrom aliens and rreedmen; tfaeir material interests sunered from the 
competition of slave labour, which degraded also the sodal estimate of 
mannal indnstry. Their misery and discontent wonld make them lend a 
willing ear to the promises of rerolotionary leaders. 

L 33. partim. More often in Sallnst JbUowing 'alii/ thoogh at 
times alone, as Cic Verr. 2. 65, 158. 

duoee moltitndinom. Clnbs and gnilds and worfcmen's nnions 
('collegia,' 'sodalicia*) were organized in the later days of the Repnblic 
by political wire-pullers for party enda, and their leading spirits might 
readily become the chief agents in a popnlar movement. 

P. 76, 1. 3. la aadeotam. Rejected by Dietsch. Wsgner proposes 
'in auxUium' (Rh. Mus. 1878, p. 702). 

oonTooato senatu» On the 5U1 of December. 

L 7. firequens senatus. The total nnmber of the senators seems to 
have been raised by Snlla to 600. No definite nnmber was fixed for a 
legsl 'qoorum,' and at times ▼ery few were present Cicero speaks on 
one occasion of 200 as being 'tanc frequentes' in December (ad Q. Fr. 
2. i, i\ bnt sereral times we read of more than 400 present, excluding 
the msgistrates. 

oontra rem poblioam moisse. This resolntion was equivalent 
to the proclaiming the distnrbers of the peace to be 'hostes ' (c£ 36. 2), 
or a sentence of outlawry. When pnt in the future tense, as in 51. 43, 
it was intended as a warning addrcssed by the senate to the offidala 
present or foture, agsinst whom rarther measnres might be taken if 
they persisted in disregarding the Tote. 

L 8. D. Xunius Silaaus, consnl ia 62, was the steprather of M. 
Brutns, the mnrderer of Caesar. 

primus — ntontiam rogatus. The earlier rnlewas for the pre- 
siding msgistrate to call first npoa tbe 'prmceps senatns' to open the 
debate, bnt abont this time the consnls designate were first appealed to, 
or mdeed other consniars at the discretion of the president; c£ AnL 
Gd). 14* 7, 9. 

L 11. at dspeoteDJst It does not appear that I* Cassins waa 
orongu 10 jnsooaj 



NOTES. CHAPS. 49-51. 22$ 



, \ 



L 13. pedlbus in sententlam. Thii is the trchnical phrase, not 
aerely for the vote given in the final division, but for the expression of 
tpinion in the course of the debate, when a member appemled to might j 

Aace himielf by the tide of nn earlier speaker, instead of speaking 
limself npon the question. 

Ti Neronis. It appears, howcver, froin Snetonioa (Caes. 14) j 

hat Silanus, withont withdrawing hia former vote, explained it away 
>y taying that he had meant at first only imprisonment, and not death 
>y * supplicium * (*non pignerit sententiam, qnia mntare tnrpe erat, in- 1 

erpretatione lenire *)• Ti. Nero waa the grandiather of the emperor 
riberint. 

L 14. praesidiis ndditis retferunduxn, ' bring the snbject on again ; 

rhen rarther dcfcnsive steps had been taken ;' i. e. postpone the debate. 
1L Tac. Ann. 14. 36, 3, 'additum et praesidinm mille legiooariL' 

Oaeear, nbi ad eum ▼entnm eet, Le. after the consuUrs and 
lefore the praetorians, as he was praetor designate. Appian (B. C s. 
■„ 6) probably inferred wrongly from the preceding clanse that Nero 
poke before Caesar, as there isno trace of Nero's proposal in the fourth 
^atilinarian speech of Cicero, wbo rose immediately after Caesar. 

1. 18. o. 51. infidn. Thisistoostronglypnt RhodeshaddoneRome 
pod service in the Syrian war, and offercd to help the Roman navy 
igainst Perseus. Bnt as the war dragged on her commeroe snffered* 
ind in a moment of presnmption she proposed to arbitrate, and talked 
rven of taking part against the power which rerosed to come to terms, \ 

3ut they were only hasty words, soon xned when the victory of Pydna 
Joscd the war. 

L 31. inpunitos. Not so. Rhodes was stripped of hcr dependencics 
»1 the mainland, and lost mnch ofherrevenne by thecreationof arival j 

mporium at Delos. 

L 33. indntins» for 'indu-irJas;' Le, retirement of the army within j 

hecamp. Cf. 'indnstrins' (Corssen, 1.-741). 

L 33. mnlta nefaria» The Romans spoke giibly of the 'Punica I 

ides' of their old enemies; but there is little or no evidence of it in ' j 

he history of the great struggle. [ 

nnmqnam ipst The facts were far otherwise. The story of the 1 

rhird Pnnic War is one long chronicle of Roman guile and cmelty. \ 

per oooaslonom, ' when the opportunity occuned.' 

P. 77» L 7. ingonfa» 'ingennity' in devising penaltics. 

L 13. oonlubuisset. The more common leading is 'cotdnbnissenC 
houghtheverbUproperlyimpersonal,andMSUf(^ : 

L 94. studere, • mvouritism.' ; ' 

L33. eoe mores eamqne modes tiam, 'snch I know is his chsracter 
tnd evcn temper/ 



' i 



I • 



324 CATILINARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

P. 78, L & Mmmaimn. Dertad by Consen (9. 173) firom a 
strengthened fonn of •iri t ' the termination being like thatof 'calnmnia/ 
* veHumnns, ctc. 

L 10. nltra neaue oara* neqne gaadio. Caesar spcaks hcre as a 
materialist expressing the Epicnrean doctrine which was widely spread 
among the higher classes of sodety at Rome, and which Locretias had 
stated at great length (3. 670-1107) ; bat the Platonic Philocophy, 
which insisted strongly on the immortality of the soul, had its adherents 
also, and foond an eloqnent advocate in Cicero (Tnsc. Disp. 1). The 
Stoic system, which was soon to be the ushionable creed, asdgned at 
least to the sools of good men a long period of continned life (' d, nt 
sapientibas placet, non cam corpore exstingaaatar magnae animae,' 
Tac. Agric. 46. 1). Tbe people meanwhile clong to its old belieft 
aboot the spirit-world; the terms of the raneral inscriptions, the lan- 
goage of devotion, the domestic asages, the popolar mndes even abont 
witchcraft, show the strong faith in a life beyond the gnm. Ct Fried- 
lander, Sittengeschichte Roms 3. 615. 

L i*. 1« Poroia. C£ Iivy, 10. 9, 4, 'Porda lex solapro tergo dvium 
latm videtnr, oood gravi poena, si aois ▼erberasset necassetre drem 
Romanmn, suurit' Three 'leges Pordae' are inentioned, and thej 
were passed probebly between 166 and 134 B.C. ; bat we know little as 
to their separate proridons. They seem to have enforced with more 
stringent sanctions the right of appeal secared by the Valerian laws» to 
have extended to all Roman dtisens beyond Rome the immnnity from 
the crnd forms of pablic execation which was before restricted to those 
who ooold appeal to the tribnnes» and finally to have prohibited scourg- 
ingaltogethermthecaseofRomans. C£ Zumpt, Criminalrecht 1. s, 68. 

L 13. aliae legee» Le. the penalty prorided for spedfic offences by 
othcr laws is exile at the worst, not the death of the older oode. With 
the extendon of the range of the jnry coaxts, which had no power of 
in^Mfag death, the spirit of the penal system grew milder. 

L 18. nesjlecerie. For this ttnasoal form of theperCd 'neglegisset' 
m Jog. 40,1, and 'intellegit* Jng. 6. a. There is mnch Tariation, how- 
cm, in the MSS. in these passagea. 

L aa Hllsi merito aoeldst . . oeioram. Here, as in other parts of 
the speech, we are reminded of the pleading of Diodotos fbr the Myti- 
lenacans, Thnc 3. 46. 

L ss. rebne. SchtfU (Hermes 11. 333) rejects this as a wcak gioss. 
He woold sJso change the 'sed' into *eV there being no contrast im- 
plied. Thevarietyof readings, 'cxbonbinitiis,' 'exrebosdomestids,' 
certainly — ^f tne pessegc ifo alrt fii ij fni tbe ftwiiit fo n of 'rebas,' 
thoagh by no otcane Bnfloiicd by thceense» woold gite more strength to 
the 



NOTES. CffAP. 51. S3$ 

1. 36. triginta riroe. It wu the policy of Sparta after tfae Pelopon- 
icsian war to keep her hold on the dependent states by setrJng np in ! 

mch a local government of oligarcbs, who OTerawed their feUow-dtizens 
rith the authority and material help of Sparta. The thirty •tyranti/ 
is they were caUed, aoon provoked a reaction by their cxocsscs. 

1. 27« pessnmnm quemque. Xenophon, whoae sympathiea were 
ristocratical, apeaka of the first vicrJms of the Thirty as odioos to the [ 

Hentlemen of Athens (Ard fftwoeferr/at fftrrmt mt rofi eaAofr swyafoif 
laptu oVrat, HeU. 3. 3, 13) ; but there is no evidence that the people 
pneraUy approved of the mnrder of these leaders of the democracy. 
' 1. 38. ea laetari. For this constr. c£ Jag. 14. 33, 'laetandnm magis 
[uam dolendnm pnto casnm tuum.' 

1. 33. Dam&sippnin. Ct VelL Paterc. s. 36, 3, ' Damasippns praetor 
tamittam • • . Scaevolam etiam, pontificem maximnm et divini humani- 
|ne inris auctorem celeberrimnm et C Carbonem praetorium, consnlis 
tatrem, et Antistinm afdilicinm velnt faventet Sullae partibns in cnria 
lostilia truddavit.' 

malo rei pnbUoae orerorant, 'had thriven on the min of the 
tate.' Itupossiblealfototake 'malo' asadative, asin phrates like 
malo pnblico natns.' 

F. 79» L 5. in proacriptonun nnmero. C£ VelL Paterc 3. 38, 3, 
primns Ule, et utinam ultimus, exemplnm proscriptionis invenit, nt • • . 
ngnlati dvis Romani pnblice constitneretnr anctoramentnm . . . fieretqne 
uisque merces mortis suae.' 

1. 16. arma . . ab 8amnitibns. The ' scutum' was called by Athe- 
aeus (6. 106) Samnitc, by Plutarch (Rom. az) Sabine in origin: the 
verutum * was the otn/rior or Samnite javelin. This wiUingness to 
rofit by the experience of foreign nations was carried further— the j 

panish sword was borrowed after the Second Punic War (Suidas, s. v. j 

ixupO, the ' lorica hamata* from the Ganls (Varro L. L. 5. 116), the 
pilnm' was posably Etrnscan, and the elaborato siege artillery was of f 

rreek invenrJon. \ 

L 17. Jnaignia magiatratnnm. Iivy (z. 8, s) makes the Romans [ 

orrow from the Etrnscans the 13 lictors, the 'seUa curulis,' and ' toga 
raetexta,' f 

L 20. imitarL We may take as illnstrations of this the poetry. ! 

hUosophy, and mythology of Greece, as well as snch attempts as were 
lade to naturalise the HeUenic fiae arts on the soU of Italy, where they 
«re at best exotics. 

imitari quam invidere. For this conjnnction of two verbs of 
ffierent regimen c£ Juv. 4. 39, 'inddit Adriaci spatinm admirahile 
lombi | implevitque smus;V Iivy, 35. 19,' 6, 'odi odioqne snm 



i 



916 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

« 

L 11. Oraeoiae morem imitott Doderlein (Philol. 9. 579) pro- 
• poses to trinsfer this to before ' lex Porda,' where it might agree better 

j with the frcta, Dietich thinkt it out of plaoe in either caae. and a 

< marginal note of a sdolist Scholl (Hermes 9. 333) explains the pae- 

' eage aa a further illnatration of the misapplication of good precedenta 

dealt with in § if 9 aa if the Romana had naed in dril strngglea the 
penaldea of flogging and ezecation borrowed from the criminal code 
of Greece. It is not likely that there waa any anch botrowing from 
a Greek atate (Heyne, Opusc. 3. 191), thongh it may have been an 
inference from the anppoaed Snflnence of Greece on the Twelve Tables. 
More probably the belief waa dne to the mania of explaining in thia 
way national reaemblancea, and Varro, who dwelt on anch anppoaed 
debta in a work pnbliahed a year before thia treatiae, may have tng- 
gested the idea to Sallnat Ct Senrina on Ytrg. Aen. 7. 176. 

L 30. ea> bene pnrtn. Refcrring to the idea of ' tantnm imperinm* 
by ttnstr. ad tensum. 

L 39. pablioandaa eoram peoanina. Thia waa a rare practice in 
the ezperience of lepnblican Rome. It waa not a recognited part of 
the penalty even of the gnwett crimea, thongh at times it wat adopted 
against political offendeia to make the example more ttrikmg, aa in the 
atoriea of Sp. Caasins and Sp. Maelina. 

In Tinonlia hnbendoe. Thia ia rorther emphasiaed by Cic in 
Cat 4. 4. 8, 'adinngit grarem poenam mimicipibus, si qnis eomm vin- 
cnla niperit ; horribiles cnstodias drcnmdat* The penal system of the 
Roman repnblic did not recognise imprisonment as a pnnishment for 
crime, thongh ordinary criminala were kept in arrest at the discretion of 
the magistratet, if it did not seem safe to leave them free. or discharge 
them on bail, till the triaL Bnt there waa no legal limit to the time of 
detention. The magistrate waa not forced to proceed with the trial, 
and hia sn c cet so r might leave the accused in prison with the sanction of 
the senate, nnless a tribnne mterrened. Thia was contrary to the spirit 
bnt not to the letter of the lawt 'de prorocatione ;' bnt we read of 
earlier ezamples (c£ Pliny, N. H. ai. 8). The aenate waa not a conrt 
of justice, and conld not sentence the accnsed, bnt it might, throngh 
its inflncnoe with the magistrates, procnre contmued imprisonment 
Foreigners and prieoners of war bad in eariier times been consigned to 
the country towna for cnstody (<£ Liry, 94. 45, 5 ; 39. 26, fin.), but this 
dld not constitute a precedent ibr Roman dtisens. 

L 33. neu quia de aia poste* ad aennium reteai. Tbis prorision 
implies that the coune proposed was irregular, if not illegaL Had the 
aentence been paased in the ordinary eouae of law there would be no 
idca of cancelling it aa the dedsion of theoourtswasnnaL 

P.eALz. oumpopuloa«nlb The technkal term fbr a magistrate's 



NOTES. CNAPS.$l f &. s*7 

stion when he conTened the Comitia and took the Totes of the 
eople. 

1 4. ©. 59. Torbo. For a like nse of the sing. in a collective sense 
; Ury, 17. 34, 4, 'ant Terbo adsentiebatnr, ant pcdibns in sententiain, 
«t, donee • . . stmntem coegit in senatn Mntentiam dicere.' This pas- i 

ige shows that it wms possible merely to state adherence to an opinion \ 

iren by an earlier speaker (•▼erbo adsentiebatnr'), or silently to more 
> his side, as well as to make a formal speech when called on. In the 
nt case it was not necessary to rise from the seat ('sedens iis assensV 
ic ad Fam. 5. 1, 9). 

L 7. longe mihi alia mans. The whole sentence seems oopied from 
ic opening of the third Olynthiac Oration of Demosthenes, aitf raoTd 
ipierarai /101 ytyr&ewtar, braw rs clt rd wpaypara &wo$ktym *a) braw 
tot rodf koyovt , ofe dffofa Tovt **r Y*> A070OT v^o2 rov rt§mpiwawfai 
bawwor 00S1 ytyrofUrovt, rd ti wpayfiara §b rovro wpoiporra, 4Vr# 
wi m^ vfi^fiola afooi wp6r*pow «ojp$?, ff«tya*0at 8*W. 
L ai. saepo . • . Terba in hoo ordlno fecL Cato was still only of 
Baestorian rank, or of the senators called 'pedarii/ who were not 
isqnalified from ipeaking, thongh most of them were natnrally content 
pedibus ire in sententiam.' ■ ' 

L ss. saepo do lnxnria. In this he wonld act in the spirit of tbe ( 

icetic creed of the Stoics wbich he proiessed, and after the example of [ 

le elder Cato, who stontly defended the primitiTc type of Roman \ 

lanners against the innoTations of Inxnry snd fashion. 
L 23. oa oanan, for the more nsnal ' ea de causa ; ' so in Jng. 54. 4, 
id ea gratia ereniebat qnod.' Flantns and Terence nse both phrases, as 
acitns, Ann. 4. 18, 1, 'qna cansa.' 

L 25. gratiam foolsaom, an nnnsnal eqniTalent for the idiom 
veniam dare ; ' cf. Jng. 104. 5. The conjnnctiTe is here taken with * 
ijra • in a cansal sense, contrary to the common practice of Sallnst 
L 30. naoo, xeferring by constr* ad stmum t6 'imperinin,' as 'ee/ 
1 51« 43. 

L 31. mibi. The dmtimu ttkiau nsed espedally by the comie 
viters, and in conTersational style. 

ejnisonam. The exclamation, if pnt in the foxm of a qnestion, 
tmld perhaps better imply the negatiTe sense in which 'qrisqnam' is 
Isewhere nsed by Sallnst 

L3S. •qnidom. This nse of the word (as in 54. 1 1 and 58. 4) seems 
) be an archaism in Uterary style, thongh probably common in popnlar 
liom, Bentley said that before the time of Nero it was nerer nsed 
ficept with the first person, or for 'ego qnidem.' As to its derhation 
in analbgy of 'edepcV 'eqnirine/ 'eccere/ etc points to an intensiTe 
t/ and not to * ego>* Cieero only employs it with the fiist person 

Q a 



t 



938 CATILWARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

singnlarof thererb, aiul especlallytacoaTersationalstrle; Caeaarhasit 
ooly twice, and in tpeeches ; Nepot not at alL In the familiar style of 
the romance of Apuleioa its older and freer nse recors. It is only in the 
apeeahes in Sallnst*s CatUine tbat we find the earlier nse ; in his later 
works he seems to have restricted himself to the practice of Cicero ; 
cf. Jordan, Krit Bdt, p. 314. 

Ttra Tooabula xerum amlaiiMia. A reminiscence perhapa of 
Thuc, 3. 8s, 4, Mai r^r •Ut&ma* 6flmow arojiaVav «i rA fpyo oVrfXAofar 
r§ fcatutWtu TaXjia fUr «ya> dX^yitfror ar&pta ftkiratpot Irojifofe. 
. P. 81, L 3. in furibus. For a like nse of the abL where the acc 
woold seem more natural, cf. 9. a. 

L 4. ao t fbr Mnmmodo ne,* as below in § 17. 

L 8. looa taatr*. Ct Jur. s. 140, ' csse aliqnos manes et snbterranea 
regna | et eontnm et Stygio ranas in gnrgite nigras | . . . nec pneri 
credunt' Cicero says the like (Tnsc. 1. ai), and Seneca (Ep. 94. 18). 
Lneretini had tnrned the whole into an allegory of the torment of a 
goilry contcience (3. 991-1036). The popnlar belief in the spirit-world 
was not necessarily connected with the forms of the Hellenic mythology, 
and the extent of mcredulity eren as regards these waa certainl y 
exaggerated 07 Uterary men ; c£ note on 51. ao. 

L 30. publioe . . • priTaiim, So the contrast drawn 07 Horace, 
Carm. »• 15, 13, 'priratna illis censns erat breris | commnnc magnurn.' 

P. 8S 9 L x Taouam, 'neglected ' or 'undefended ; ' ct Liry, «3. a, 7, 
•per caedem senatns racnam rempnblicam tradere HannibalL' 

L 7. hostibua. Not to be taken aa an abL abi, bnt as an instra* 
mental abL with 'mcere/ as in 55. 3, and Jng. 85. 17. The spedal 
qocstion of debate waa the treatment of the prisonen, not what ahonld 
be the nezt step to be taken. 

mitoroamlwl oeneoo. C£ a like irony m Cio, Cat 4. 6, 13, 
'rereamini eenseo ne in hoc seelere tam immani nimia aliquid serere 
atatnisse Tideamini' 

L 10. oouTortat, in a renejdre sense withont a case, aa Jng. 85. 9, 
'bene facere iam ex consnetndine m naturam rortit' 

L 14« supplioila. C£ abore, 9. s. 

L 18. A. Manliua Torquatua. In Iiry, 8. 3, 5, the praenomen ia 
gben as Titnt, and the war m qocstion ia called Latin, not Gallic 
Dionrtmf HaL (8. 79) agreet howerer in thia respect with Sallnst, who 
jjrobably confased the occasion with the battle in which ManUoa gained 
hia cognomen from the spoils of the mllen GanL 

L15. Ilmnm As this was the secood coospiracx of tbe partibans of 
Otfline, c£ c 18. 

L 31. flraolbas urget, a rigoront metaphor like the 'faodbut pre» 
mm'ofCicpioCImufe3f,and'£ten^ Ina 



NOTES. CHAPS.$2, 53. »9 



ke pessage of Cic (Cat 1. s, 5) we read ' in Etrnriae fkudbns/ but there 
eems no reason for accepting the infcrior readings which insert. * in * 
efore 'nndbns/ or omit 'urbis ' after 'in ainn ; ' c£ Hermca 1. 136 

P. 88, L 5. de oonfoasia. There is an example in point of the caae 
f the disdosures of the horrors of the Bacchanalia, Iir. 39. iy f j 

addncti ad consnles fkssiqae de se nnliam moram fecere.' | 

1. 6. da TnarmfostU. This was a technical term of the old Roman j 

iw for a criminal detected in the act ; thns AnL GelL 11. 18» 11, | 

maniiestnm furtum qood deprehenditnr dnm fit' In snch cases there \ 

ould be no appeal to tribune or people to stay the sentence of thc 
lagistrate, and jnstice was therefore summarily administered. . | 

moro maiornin suppUoium. In this are impliea 1 the two 
lements, (1) of the ponishment of death as distinct from the esile or j 

stlawry whkh followed at the worst from the acdon of the jury , 

rarts; (a) of the absence of any technical proceedings 'in iudicio/ 
r pleading in court, which were dispensed with wherc the magistrate j 

sdpower ofdealmgsumnisjilywiththeaccused. C£ Zumpt, Criminal- i 

ttht 1. s v 173. | 

L 8. o. 58. poetQuam Oato adsedit. Cicero appears to have caUed I 

nscarcely any more senators tospeak after Cato ; ct VelL Paterc s. 35, { 

, 'paene inter nltimos interrogatns.' He was tribnne designatie at this *. ( 

ime. 

L 11. sennti deeretum fit. This term is applied to a resolntion of 
le senate when a rote had been taken, and might therefore be a aingle 
ianse of the aenatnsconsultum, in which it was cxp r cssc d. Ct denni- 
on of Festns, 'senatns decretnm a consnlto Aelins Gallns sie distingnit ■ 

l id dicat particnlam qnandam esse senatusconsnltL* I 

1. 14. mari atqus torra. Some eight variations occnr of the nsnal j 

«m ' terra mariqne ; ' c£ Drager, 9. 6a. I 

L 17. laglonibua, The Roman historians did not scrnple to appiy to 
«reign nations the tcchnical terms of their own dvil and mUitary 
rstems. 

L 19. faound^ofteniisedbySallns^thou^ 
L ao. aato Romanos. So Tac Ann. 13. 54, 3, 'nnllos mortalinm 
rmis ant fide ante Germaaos etse.' The constrnction is aroided by 
icero and Caesar. 

L 15. oflntft paronto. The common reading of the best MSS. is 
sfieta parentnm,' which cannot be ezplained m any natnral sense. 
ietsch thinks that a substantta has dropped ont of the teact, and wonld 
ipplyaetate;' RitacUprefcrs'vi'(Rh.Mus. 1866,0.316); Wirspro» 
Mestoinsert 'esset' before 'eficts/snd strikeont 'parcntum* aspart | 

F a marginal notc. 
L s& riri dno. Tadtns refers to tbia contrast as mmfliar to his 






2J0 CATILINARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

readeis, # nt qnondam C Caesarem et M. Cntonem, ita nanc te, Nero, et 
Thraseam arida dlscoidiaram dritas loqnitar' (Ann. 14. as, a). 

L 19. qpJn. Thk nee of 'qoin ' ii somewhat anasaal, as in 39. 4. 
It may perhape be ezplained as fbllowing the 'non praeterire,' thongb the 
negathre leallr belongs to 'fait conriliam ;' cf. Conttana 198» 

L3i.c54.genna,Mta«,cloqiienti*. TheeminenceoftheelderCato 
gare a dignitjr to the plebeian Pordi, which rhrailed that of the patrician 
Jnlii. Caeaar was n>e jeara older than Cato. Aa to the eloqnence of 
the ktter, c£ Cic Brut» 118, 'Stoid tradncti a dispntando ad dicendnm 
inopes reperinntnr ; vnnm ezdpio Catonem, in qno pcrftctiisimo Stoico 
snmmam eloqnentiam non desiderem.' 

P. 04, L 3. nihU larginndo. Yet he is said to hare sanctioned 
bribery to secnre the ekction of Bibnlns, the colleagne of Caesar ; cf. 
Sneton. JnL 1% 'ne Catone qddem nbnnente eam krgitionem e repnb- 
IknfierL 9 

miseria perftigtam. The bankrnpt in character and fbrtone 
flocked to the camp of Caesar, who was readjr to welcome all who 
might be nsefal as adherenta, and was generons by temper as well as 
policjr; ct Sneton. JnL 17, 'reoram ant obaeratomm nnt prodigae 
inrentutk snbddinm nnirnm ac promptissimnm erat.' 

L 6. sn» neglegere. Ct thc accovmt m Snetonins (JnL 7a) of the 
wajr in which he sacrinced his personal comfort to prodde fbr n aick 
nttendant, and his repntntion to rcward his neediest adherenta. 

L 8. beUom novom. Not 'a fresh war,' in the eense of 'one 
foUowing faat npon another, 9 bnt 'begon bjr himeel( v of which he had 
the sole lespondbiUrjr. Fabri qnotes paaaages of Lrtjr in which 'noram' 
isnsed m thk sense (9. 41, 3; 31. 8, 5). 

L 10. eereriUtk. Cato'e rigid formalkm waa carried almost to 
fanatickm ; Caese/s personal ambition made light of prindple and 
cnttomarjr acrnples ; ndther conldanderstand the other, nnd Caeeer, who 
showed mercj to the liring, Utterijr nttacked the re pn tnt i on of his fhllen 



L ii* onm atrenno rirtnte. Cempnre the extmragant langnage of 
VdL Pnterc s. 35, a, 'bomo rirtnti simillimns et per omnin ingenio 
dik qoam hominibas propior, qni nanqnam reote fed^ nt facere 
rideretnr, sed qoia aliter facere non potaerat.' 

L ii. eeeo qnam Tideri bonna. A rtmmkccncc of the famons line 
npplkd to Aristidea, o* ?e> aeadr Ifsaw, c^' «frm $ikm (Aesch. S. c 
Th.589). 

L 17. o. 66. trinmTiroa. Dktschhaa 'tresriroa/ and the MSS. com- 
aaotrirpntTOI riioVthooghnotalwaTS. Thed&g. 'trinmrir' wasfirst 
fbnncdwimthe'pertitiTegen* as 'amanof three/and thkcomponnd 
wordwasmendecliiiad^batthelbfm^tieBTW The'IHTiri 



NOTES. CHAPS, 53-56. S31 



* 

\ 
\ 

capitalee' or 'nocturni' were polioe officiala, who without any judkial { 

competcnce had the care of prieonere and exeeutione, and took meaenret f 

for tbe tafety of the atreeta at night | 

L 19. oeterie, abL ; cC above, $*. 95. ] 

L ao. ect in oaroero. The 'carcer Mamertinaa ' aacribed to Ancua 
Mardut waa 'media urbe imminena foro* (Iivy, i. 31, 7)« The two 
ehambera called • the priaon of St Peter ' havc been alwaye known, but 
recent exploratione have brooght to Ught a eeriea of large ehambers 40 
feet long by 14 wide, now eeparated from thc othert by the Via di Mar- 
forio. They were made probnbly ont of the old qnarriei of tnfc 
(•lautumiae*) which waa dog ont of the hiU-eide to bnild the waU% and 
the large blockt ttiU diatingniah the maaonry of the earUett timce. Ia 
the vault of each it a man-hole throogh which a pritoner might be 
lowered, and a long paaiage and drain below it connect them with the 
great Cloaca into which the bodiet of criminalt might be fluog; 
c£ Parker, Archaeology of Kome, 1. 103. Here were impriaoned Peraens» 
Jugurtha, Vercingetorix, Sdaaoe, and othera. 

Tnlliannm. Fettoa givet the uaual derivation of the word: 
' Tullianum qaod dicitur, part quaedam carcerie, TuUinm regem aedifi* 
catte aiunt' He adda, however, 'tulliot alii dixemnt etae • • . rivee.' 
There it tuch a natural apring in the lower of the two chambert ahown 
aa the priaon of St Peter, and thia may have given the name. 

L 33. lnoultu, a rare word, fonnd Jug. t. 4, and Iivy, 43. la. The 
floori of the priton were little above the lerel of the Tiber, and they are 
flooded now at timea, but in the time of Tiberiut the floor waa raited t 

about eix feet. The Actt of the Martyra give a horrible detcription j 

of thdr ttate in later timea. 

1. 35. vlndioee, * the executionera/ alavet or freedmen in attendance 
on the 'triumviri capitalea/ or more probably thote offidak themeeivet; 
cf. Cic de Leg. 3. 3, 6, * minorea magiatratnt .... Tincula aontiam 
eervanto, capitalia vindicaxtto.' Some MSS. have * indicet * and • iudicee,' 
and the phrate haa been therefore regarded with anapicion; Tbe oid 
theory waa that the magittrate who aentenced the crimmal executed 
the tentence through hit attendante, but aner the appointment of the 
* triumviri capitalet a to deal with the prieon, the carnifex becomet the 
agent, and the Uctort ceate to nte the axe and rode, whlch become mere ** 
tymbola of authority. 

1. a8. eadtiom, here equivalent to ' exitum/ at m the older Latm 
genenlly according to Fettua. 

L ao> euppliolum eumptom. When aU waa over Cioero went forth 
with kading aenatort to the Ibram to annotmot their death with the ^ 

word 'vixenmt' 

L 33. o. 66. oohbrtU. CC note on 59. a. ... 



132 CATIUNARIAN CONSPIRACY. 

P.86, L. i. Toluntaiius, a new recruit, asdistlnct from thoie already 
prhy to the moremeot (' lodi •). 

L 5. sparos. Serrios (Verg. Aen. n. 68a) says that 'sparns' is 
'rustfcum telum ad modum pedis recorram.' Corssen deriycs from a 
root j/tor- or spaL, whence 'pUum/ 'palpare/ ' peHere/ etc (i. 535). 

L 11. searritU repudiabat. Strmhasbeenlaidapoa thesewords, 
as by Ihae, as tending to disprore the strong langaagc of Cicero and 
SaUust aboat the designs of Catiline. The state itseif had armed its 
slaves (• Tolones ') ia the Secood Ponic War, but this marlced the orgency 
of thecrisis. 

oulu*. Used coUectively of the whole class described by 'serritia ; ' 
d Thoc 1. 80, 3, UjJl ro» xpHv**** \ 4*AA eeAAf Iri s-Afor rorrov 
lAAtlffojur; and 7. 48, 6 (Poppo). 

L ai. o. 57. tranealpinam. Possibly to the AUobroges, who were 
known to be in an ansettled state. 

L aa. ex dU&oultate rerum, 'way oot of the strait ia which he 
found himsekV 

L 37. utpoto qui, coopled here with the conj., though 'quippe qoi ' 
always takes an indic in SaliosL 

L s8. •xpoditua. Nearly all the MSS. hare 'expeditos/ which as 
the senteoce stands can make no sense. Dietsch thinks that it ran 
originally 'expedi[tus unpedi]tos,' and that the bracketed syllables have 
nUlenout Ritschl soggesti ia preference 'expedi[to tarda]tos.' The 
foUowing words 'in mga' would then hare a natoral place. 

P. 86, L 1. e. 58. oonpertum ogo habeo. Yet the practice seems 
to hare been anirersal among the Greek repnblics, and generally among 
the drJsen soldiers of antiqaity. 

L 6. timor animl With this pleonasm we may compare ' lnbido 
aaimi,' 51. 4 ; 'fcroda animi,' 61. 4; 'indiciam aniinV Jog. 4. 4. 

L 9. dum . . . opporior. In theproseof Cicero 'dum' isonlyonce 
osed with the pres. indic, thoogh oftener m fcter writers. Its position 
here in aa 'oratio obliqoa' iUostrates Sallast*s preference for the indic. 

L iz. iuxt» mofflim, a phrase found at nrnes in the coUoquial style 
of Plautns, but afterwards obsolete. 

L 13. ai maanimo animus rJsrat, 'howerer mnch we may desire it ;' 
«tjag.54.4. 

L 38. alienaeopee, 'thebounty of strangers;' that is the dole of the 
patroa, or the bribe aad largess of the noble candidate for office. 

L 31. mutnrit, pcrf. in aorist sense. CC Hor. Ep. 1. s, 47, 'aoa 
acris acerras et auri | aegroto domini deduzit oorpore fcbres.* 

P. 87, L 9. o, 58« oanaro. Ia aa iatrans. sense, as Jag. 94. 5, aad 
oJiba m JJtwy» 

L ii. sams^mjaio potioula This is aimoet a commoaplace ia the 



NOTES. CNAPS. 56-59. 



»33 



descriptions of critical cngagements by Roman bistorians. CL Caesar, 
Bell. GalL 1. 35» 1, 'Caesar primnm 1110, deaade oamiimi ex con ap cc f 
remotis eqnis, nt aeqnato omniwm periculo spem fhgae tolleret' 

1. 13. nipo aapera. In this difficnlt passage 'rnpe* is a cansal abL 
qualifying 'aspera,' which has been taken by some as a nom. agrceing 
with 'planities,* or with 'loca' in snch a senseas 'ab dextera erant loca 
propter rnpem aspenu' Bnt in that case 'inter' wonld have Uttle 
meaning, and it seems better to accept the harsh co nsUucU on of 
'aspera' as a nent accns. plnr. connected by *et' with 'montea/ 'the 
rugged gronnd cansed by the rocks on the right' It has been p r op oacd 
to snbstitnte for this 'rapis aspera/ as a more mmiliar constrncdon 
frequently fonnd ia iivy and other writers, or f as seems probable, to 
take the reading of the MSS. as a corraption of 'rapem aspenum,* 
the abbrevUted sign of the m having been eflaced. 

ooto oohortis. The 'cohort' waa origmaUy a technical term for 
a division of the allies who serred with the Roman soktien. It waa 
fhrther applied to a section of the legion made np of a maniple of each 
of the three divisions, 'hastati,' 'prmdpes,' and 'triarii,' when on the 
march. Marins changed the earlier anangement of the legion as drawn 
np on the field of battle in these three lincs, and marshallcd it in cohorta 
nniformly armed, and ten in nnmber. 

1. 16. OTooatoa, ' teterans ;' technicalljr applied to the men who had 
senred their fhll term, bnt volnnteered at the general v s call for fhrther 
service, with special privileges of pajr and promotion. Thcy formcd 
a distinct corps, and seem to have ranked with centnrions. Tbey are 
mentioned in the army of Flamininns in 198 B.C, as in that of Mariua 
(Jng. 84. a), and Caesar (B. C. 1. 3, a). 

L 18. onrard. A term often nsed by Sallnst for the dntics of an 
officer; c£ Jng. 46. 7. 

1. 19. oalonibna. The MSS. have 'colonibns' or 'ooloniis,' ont of 
which most editors make 'colonie/ and snppose a reference to the 
veteians of Snlla referred to in a8. 4. Bnt these wonld more probably 
have been stationed in the front, and aot ranked with the freedmen, as 
the soldiers' servants (' calones ') mi^it natnrally be. Festns esplains the 
word as derived from their staves of wood, 'quae Graeci mta vocant' 

aqnilaacL The silver eagle had been since the time of Marins the 
distinctive standard of the legion. CL Pliny, N. H. ia 16: 'Romanis 
eam (aqnilam) legionibns Gains Marins in secundo consnlatn sno proprie 
dicavit Erat et antea prima cnm quatuor aliia; lnpi, minotauri, equi, 
apriqne amgnlos ordines aateibaat. Pancis ante annis sola in adem 
portari caepta erat, reliqna in castris reUaqnebaatur, Marins in totam ea. 
abdicavit' Of this spedal eagle Cicero smys, 'aqnilam iUam argenteam 
cni ille etiam sacxmrinm sceleram domisnM iccerat* (kCat s.6\ })• i^ 1 






s 



a*1 



/ 



.1 



*34 CATILINARIAK COMSPIRACY. 



L ai. podibns Mgir. This, according to Dion Casstat 37. 39, wil 
A mere pfetence to corer hii abeence Jrom tfae 6eld. His old reUtioos 
with Cstiline made him unwilling, it waa supposed, to desi the dedsive 
Uowhimsell 

L 93. tnmnltaa, Applied to the crisb of a Gsllic inroad, or the 
conmsion of some prcning danger. 

L 37. homo militaris. Cicero (pro Settio, 5. n) spesks of his 
'mirincat nsns m re militarL* He had been already praetor: in 55 he 
wat 'legatot' to Pompdut in Spain, where he fought against Caesar 
in 49. Driven to disbsnd his legiont there, he tried to renew the 
stmggle m Africa, where he killed himself after the battle of Thapsns 
(Caessr, B. C 1. 83; BelL Afr. 94). 

1. 38. praeisotna, A term spedally applied to an officer of the 
alHed contingent, which was divided mto an 'ala deatra' and 'ainistrs,' 
to each of which three 'praefecti aodam' of Roman statns, correspond- 
ing in rank to the tribnne of the legion, were appointed by the 
commsnder-m-chie£ The 'ala' had ten cohorts, each recroited by 
men of the same race, and with ita own natbe 'piaefectus cohortis.' 
The offidal titles of 'praefectus legionis' and 'praefectnt castrorom' 
belong to the time of the Empire. 

L 33. o. 60. toentariia, 'skirmishers.* Varro (L. L. 6. 3, 93) ex> 
plains the word as applied to soldiers who had onljr 'arma quae 
len e ntui nt iaculum,' and says that he had seen in an old pictnre in the 
temple of Aesculaptus horsemen so r cprcs c n ted, with the name 'feren- 
tarii' written below. Vegetius ranks them with the slingert (1. ao), 
and stationa them on the wings. 

P. 88, L a. pila omittunt. So Caesar, Bdl. GalL 7. 88» a, 'nostri 
ouiissis pilis gladiis rem geront.' 

L 9. oohortom praetoriam. Thia waa a corfs dUUte spedaHy 
organieed as a body-guard of the general, and dating from the time 
when/nscfer rather than cmsul was the highest title, thongh aacribed 
by Festns (Epil p. 333) to the initiathre of Sdpio Africanus. It con- 
aisted both of horse and foot, partly of yeteran legionaries ('ero- 
cati'X partiy of Roman equitea, together with picked horsemen of the 
allie*. 

L 16. e. 61. tum viva Like the Jrradfle ss) which Thncydidet also 
puts after a partidple, aa a. 58, a. 

L aa dtvontosL Dietsch here mserts, withont sny MSS. authority, 
'alia afibi stantes,' on the groond that two giammariant (Diomedet and 
Chariamt) qnote a passage of SaUntt begmning thot and ending with 
'aed omnet tamen adr. ▼oln. cec' It may have been a marginal note, 
aor we nnd the phrase 'alis (fcr 'aliaa') aliam,' in oid inscriptions; 
cCCiLt. at>33. 



1 

V 



NOTES. CHAPS. 59-61. 135 

•dvonia Tolneribua, 'woendi in mee or front/ often ippcticd to 
In proof of a toldWi courage. Cf. Jug. 85. 39. 

1. 16. iuxfto. Ct 37. 8. 

L »7. Inoruentain. Firtt uted, it would teem. by SeJratt, afterwarot 
commori m Lhry. The abru pt neoi of the elote is ttrikmg. Nothing m 
■dd as to the forttmes of the conapiratort who bad eeceped from Reme, 
or at to anjr further cooteqnencei of the movement 



THE JUGURTHINE WAR. 

P. ©1, L1.0.L falto. Qumtilian eriticitei the opening tentence at 
having too metrical a toond : 'nec minore cura vitandum ctt qoidqnid 
ett ffpvfjier, quale apnd Salluttium,yWf# futriiur dt mUmrm j«e.' It 
it hard for a moden ear to detect the Uult, and the gnmmtrian 
Diomedet regardt the criticitm ittelf at captioua. 

L a. atTl brevia. CC Hor. Sat a. 6, 97, 'vrte memor quua tb aevi 
brevi*.' In 'aevum' the idea of dnratioa or a long period it more 
prominent than ia 'aetaa/ and the phrate may imply, at Fabri tuggetut 
that the life of man even at itt longett it bnt a brief tpaa. 

regatur. The conj. it an exception to the eommon practioe of 
Sallntt, who pntt an indic. after verbt expretdng compUint, wooder, and 
the like; bnt probably the 'ralao' expUJn* the variation of utage. 

L 3. InTonlaa. There ia an awkwardnett m the two diatiact 000- 
ttrnctiont of the accntatrfe and the mfinitive following • inveuiaa.' 

l. 6. grattator. At the fiequentative of ' gradior * thia verb impUet 
a continned or intenter form of actJon. 

L 7. pollena potentqne. Thcte wordt are often combined, at in 
the ancient formnla of tbe fetiaU, Iiv. 1. 14, 9» 'qnanto magit potet 
poUetqne.' The former word ex pr et t et ttrength and retonrcet» the Utter 
the abiUty to nte them. 

1. 8. artie. Cf. note on Cat 1. 4. 

L 10. peatum. For ' ped-tum,* and connected with v&*r, vt&W, 
•oppidum v 'in tente of 'finn-footing,' 'tolid ground;' 'peamm ire' m 
form Uke 'venum ire, domum abire/ the accua. mdicating that to which 
the movement tende. C£ Coraten, Bdtrage, p. 333. 

L 11. nana. It teemt eatier to connect thit immediately with •datut 
ett,' makmg the tecond claute expUnatory of the firtt, than to explam 
it at a aom. aba. or anacoluthon, at though the mranmg and aatural 
coottrnction would be • lubidme utut . . . mfinainw» tacutat,' 

L 13. auotorea, Le. 'culpae/ the culprita, 

L 16. 00 megnltudlnia. A avourite oo ottr uc U on of Sallnat, not 
found in Cicero or Caeaar, but oommon m Tmctaai aad Uter writere, . 



s 



1 1 
»/1 



«36 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L 17. pro mortalibus. Not •«• far as mortal man may be/ like 
the 'pro loco atqne copiis' of Cat 59. 1, but • iottead of being mortai* 
C£ Lrty, aa. u, 6, •pro cunctatore aegnem, pxo canto timidnm com- 
pellabaL' 

L 18. o. 2. ganus honiinuin, 'hnman nature;* but the •genus hu- 
mannm' of some MSS. wonld be, aa Krita remarks, men aa the contents 
of theclass. 

anima. Used here, aa in Cat 2. 8, in contratt to •cofpna/instead 
of the more diatmcthe •animnt;' Cic Tutc. 3. 1, 1, *cnm conatemnt ex 
animo et corpore.* Varro, howeter, agreet with Sallnst, 'qnod est, 
homo es eorpore et anima/ L. L. 8. 1. 

L aa. dfr.buntar. Thit commonplace it repeated from Cat 1. 4. 

P. 9% L 1. aaota eameacunt, • all that wax begin in tnrn to wanc* 

L 2. inoonruptua, • mcorrnptible.' Cf. note on ' mrictum/ 43. 5. 

L 8. olaritudo. An older form p t efai e d by Sallntt to ' claritaa/ 
lihe 'neeestitudo/ Cat 17. s. 

L 9. o. 8. imporia. Used here for military office as distinct from 
the crril •inagistratua/ thongh the word origraally implied the power 
of lifc and death vested in jndidal aa well aa military anthority. 

L ia. por fraudem [iis] fuit If in this corrnpt pastage • iis * be 
sfanply strack out, 'tnit' mnst be taken as eqnivaJent to 'licuit/ as 
110. 3, •fuerit mibi egnisse aliqnando tnae amiritiae.* The change to 
'is' is easy, and it would then agree with •honoa/ bnt the nsage of 
Sallnst aeems to reqinre the order 'quibnflispertrandem fmt' Agood 
MS. haa •iua/ which may be taken in the sense of offidal anthority. 
Dietsch and others propose •tel ri/ Stenp snggests •decue,' A rarther 
cormption in the MSS. consists m the insertionof *nti ' before the •tnti/ 
whida slipped m donbtless by a copyisfs mistakf. 

nam ri Quidem regero patriam. The whole paragraph deeely 
resemblet the drift of a long passage in one of the Epistles attributed to 
Plato (7% and addrested to the relations of Dion. 

L 23. pexontee. The corresponding passage in the Greek letter has 
mtrifm 4 jatWfa vaosMff ****, yet tordble rettraint m their case wonld 
aeemtoneedastrongerepithetthan^uportnnnm.' Ifwetranslateitas 
•subjects/ as in ioa. 7, we are met by the objection thatyferw in mling 
alien peopke seemed natnral to Roman minde. Bot here, es in Cat 6. 5 
and 53*3, where the word is eonpledwith •patria/ we may best tranalate 
fcaa*ttssfolk'of idrionaraawideT It 

has been proposod to change •aut ' to *ut/ and to translate •aeaubjecte/ 
and this wonld be convenient, thongh not neceasary. 
* L 14. fcqtortnauun, •dangerooa/ Uke a rocky coast withont a har- 
Ijonrofremge. Tbedangerofcoerssfcto theholdcr of powex. 

L 17. cjnasferay 'a^ouire,' 



NOTBS. CHAPS. 1-4. 937 

aieftete. AficripctkiBfoffhedtSealtkiaaddncaBofpoiwcr 
soeght hy ftir mesns (• Tutati •) or foal (* per nrnndem*), and asedm the 
toteicsts of the popeJtr ptrty ('etaoes leram mntntiones 'X SeUast con- 
tessptnoasly lefcm to the partisens of the old eUgtrchy who woeid yidd 
heeecff tad ireedem to T/m the feTow Theworde 

'aitifofte^oramhaTetairoaictls* Cl 31. so. 

Ltao.1 oetcrum. Commooly ased in thit treetiee m trtasitiont 
from one thoaght to tnotber, thongh tt times with idet of intrked 000- 
trastas 14.1. 

L si. momorla, 'record,* aad therefore witn 'reram gesttrnm, 
'hktory.* 

L sa. per moolentiam. Ttkte oat of its nttortl pltoe eetr the 
Terb whieh it qotUfies, 'that ao one may thiak me to be in t Tain- 
glorioos spirit oreipraisiag my own pnrsnit;* imittted perhtps by 
Tte. Ann. 14. 43, 1, 'ne nimio tmore tntiqai moris stndhun meam 
cxtollerc Tidcrcr. 

L 37. ttlattre plebem. Cfc Uwj, 33. 4, 3, 'hinc senttores • . . pk> 
bem adnltri, stlntare, benigne inritare, tpptrttis todpere epalis.' Hor. 
Ep. 1. 19* 37, 'non ego ▼cntoste plebis safirtgit Tenor | impensis 



L 38. tdepfas slm, Good MSS. hare *sunV tnd the mdic. is pceaV 
ble in t sentence which refers to t mttter of fact, whJue the foUowing 
conjonct indicttcs t less definite object of thooght 

1. 19. qutlea Tirt StUost may be thinkin& tmong other cases, of 
the unsncceisfnl tttempt of M. Ctto to gtin the pnetorsbip in 55 bx. 

qute genera homJnum. Referring to the Gtols tnd others ad- 
mitted by Jolios Ctestr to the sentte, tnd to those whom M. Antonios 
enroUed tt the snpposed wish of Ctestr. The lttter were esiled by 
popnltr Jest 'Orcini ' (Soeton. Ang. 35X tnd ptsqnintdes on tbe former 
soggested thtt no one shonld show the new senttors the way to the 
aentte-hoase, tnd tgtin 'Gtllos Ctestr ia' triompham dadt idem in 
cnritm' (Saeton. JnL 80). 

1. 31. merito, 'with good retson/ 

1. 31. negotilt. Cootrasted with 'otk>* bya playapoa the derhra- 
tiea 'Beo-otiam.* 

L 33. Q. nTtarnmum. The Ftbmt Conctator who checkcd the 
oonne of HannibaTs soccesses, 

P. 93, L 1. P. Selpionem. Either the cooqneror oTHaneiba], or 
tbe Tietor of Nnmantia tnd Carthage» 

L s. meiornm Imtgfaoo. The bnsts which were set np ia the 
■frwm of t nobleman*i hoose, Cp. Jnr. 8. i, 'qukl prodest, Pontice, 
1««*© | stagnme eenserL pictosqot ceteota Tohm | sssiofnm ct 
in cnrribnt Acmittaaos | et Cerim fam dmumot/ 



! 



< 



938 JUGURTHINR WJIR. 

L 3. attOiost. Uied as here with an iafin. xoa. 9 ; 1x3. 3, the verbal 
seme of the woid being ptoininent To make 'habere/ with Kritz, fol- 
low the same regimen u 'accendi * wonld leave 'egregiis wiiis* withont 
any natnral coostroction. 

L 7. omnfnm eis moribojs, 'in the general oorrnption of onr age. 9 
C£ Driger, s. 776, who compares Ck. Att xo. 11, 3, *ea snnt tolera- 
bttia— hac iaveatate/ and xx. 14 a, 'omninm conspectnm horreo, prae- 
scrtxm hoc generc. 

L xx. fnrtim, The change xrom the adverb to the accns. with 'per/ 
and the mstrum. abL is one of the modes by which Sallnst gives variety 
tohisstyle, 

L 15« alttas, 'iarther into the open sea,' 

L 16. ad inoepttun redeo. C£ 43. 5. Tacttus probably imitates 
thxs in Ann. 4. 33, 6. 

L 18» 0.6. magnnm. Not in the nnmber of the combatants or world- 
widc importance of the stmggle, bnt in the novel character of the cam- 
paigns and the physical dimcnlties of the seat of war. 

L 19. tuno primxun. This was not Uterally troe, as the action of the 
Gracchi showed ia legislation, for they ignored completely the inflnence 
of the senate, and appealed directly to the commons. The Memmins 
and Mamitias of this period did no more than many a bold tribnne of 
the past in impeaching great offenders. 

L aa. raatita* Xtaliae. The popnlation of Italy was steadily oa the 
decline dnring the last centnry of the Repnblic. Tib. Gracchns called 
attention to the W* a *<* X*V«* (Plnt T. Gr. 8), and tried not qnite in 
vain to check it The ravages of war indeed were great and treqnently 
renewed. The Social War is said to have cost 300,000 fighting men 
(VelL Paterc a. 15, a). Towns were de stroy ed and whole districts left a 
wildernesi before Snlla cmshed his rivals, and the later Civil Wars cost 
eonntless lives. Bnt the losses of war might soon have been repaired, if 
cconomic caases had not mined the Italian yeomen, and replaced them 
with slave-gangs working on the vast estates of absentees. The early 
empire tried ucnccroally to remedy the evtt, and the depopnlation 
steadUy went on. 

xnoerot A sing. verb is often ased by Sallnst after several sub» 
Jeets which together fonn one compoaad thoaght C£ 73. 1 ; Cat 
is. 1 ; 30. 6. 

L 37. post magnitrMHnem nomfnia Bomani, 'since the Roman 
power had growa to its xoll statnre/ For a like ase of 'post,' c£ Cat 
3. 6, *post doniinatiooem L. SnUae;* LaciL Sat 4, 'optimas ille | post 
honrmfs aatos gJadiator qai xait aaas/ 'Nomen Romaaum * is tormed 
after the analogy of 'aomen Latmam,* which was ased as a oollective 
fixat xor the IL fl t* 1 ^ ra cft aad thea tor a dcgroc of political statas. 



i 



• 



NOTES. CffAPS. 4, 5. 139 

L a& Masinlasa, too of Gula, the king of the Massyli, a tribe on 
the eastera lide of Numidia, routed Syphax at the age of 17 with great 
slaughter. Livy (ao. ao) gives a loog aad picturesque accouat of his 
adveaturous courage ia fighting for his father's throae agaiast a rival 
claimaat aad the overpowering nnmbers of his old encmjr Syphax. 
Drivea at last into hopeless exUe, he joias Sdpio aad aids him ia the 
crowniag victory,over Carthage. Cirta, the later capital of Syphax, be- 
comes his royal resideace, aad both divisioes of the Namidiaa tribes are 
naited vader his role. Maay NnmidiaB aames begin with the same 
syllahle, which is retaiaed ia the BerberJaaguage as st&, svox-soe; ct 
Maariva, Massugiada, Massyli, Massaesyli, etc (Movers, a. a, 368). The 
coatemporary Greek spelling of the aame is givea m aa iascriptioD te- 
cently fonnd at Delos which has 0—tkU MotorvaW (ct Rh. Mus. 
1879), as also ia ooe at Athens. 

L 39. Airioaao eognomen. This constrnctioo, ooly once nsed by 
Cicero, aad ncver by Caesar, occnrs regnlarly in Sallust C£ 79. 5. 

exvirtuW. C£Iivy, 30.45,6, ' Anicani cognooien militaris prins 
favor, aa popnlaris aara oelebraverit ; aa sicnti Felicis Snllae Magnique 
Pompeii patmm memoria coeptnm ab assentatiooe familiari sit, parum 
compcrtum habeo. Primuscertehfeimperatornomiaevicm^ 
est nobilitatns.' 

L 31. Syphaoe, the kiag of the Massaesyli, who are described by 
Iivy (a8. 17, 4) as 'gens affinis Mauria, in regioaem Hispaaiae masime 
qua sita Nova Carthago est, spectant* We fiad him changing from 
side to side ia the Secoad Puaic War, till the charms ef his Cartha- 
giaiaa wife Sophroaisba decided him to abaadoa the cause of Rome 
ia the fiaal stmggle ia which be lost both wife aad throoe. 

L 32. magnYim. Most probably used adverbially, not as some have 
takea it, for 'magaum fuit atqne late valuit' The acconat of the Nu- 
midiaa wars ia Iivy, ao. ao, etc. show that the Westera tribes were 
more aumerons and powerml thaa the Massyli co the East 

qnosnnmqy nrboa. CC Iivy, 30.44, 9, 'Scipio. . .Masmissam 
ad regaum patemum Cirta oppido ct ceteris urbibns agrisque, qnae ex 
regno Syphacis ia popali Romani potestatem venissent, adiectis donavit* 
Rome often gave to an ally the territory which had been woo, aad thea 
aanexed it with his kiagdom ia a later age. 

P. 04, L i. bona, 'loyaL' So Tac Ann. 1. 57, 7, 'memoria bonae 
aodetatis impavidns.' 

honeeta nobia. 'Crsditable* to Rome it might be, if there ooold 
be credit in the nse of an unscrupnloos ally who pluadered defeaoe» 
less Carthage aad drove her to despair becaase she was forbiddea to 
use force against the aggressor, but the tone of Masinissa to Rome 
was servile ia tfae extreme. CC Livy, 40% 13. 



X 



240 JUGURTHmE 1VAR. 

L a. atd, Omittod by Kritt aad DScticfa againtt MSS. aathority on 
the groaad that there ia no oppotition, bot it teemt to mark the coo- 
tzast between hia poaition and that of hia snccessors. 

imperi . . . flala. The plenitnde of absohite power vetted in Maat- 
nitaa waa drrided at hia death between his three aons, Midpsa receiving 
the royal town of Cirta and its territory, Gnlnssa the military, and 
Mastanabal the jndidal renctions. C£ Appian, Iibyc. xo6. There 
eeems no anthoritjr for the atatement of Korte repeated by Merirale, 
that the granta of land and dties made to Mtiinitia reverted at his 
death to Rome, for the prorince of Africa waa Tery tmaU, and the Nn- 
midian territory exteaded from the borders of Manretania to thoae of 
the Cyrenaka, 

dein iadicatea a later period thaa that of the joint anthority of 
the three brothers, and 'regaem' ia now ased of the kingdom, the term 
• imperiam , jett before ezpresting the andirided powers of the snpreme 
raler. 

Mioipea. Used by Jnvenal (5. 89, Canna Midpsamm) aa eqahra- 
lent to Namidiaa ia geaeraL 

L 3. morbo abatnapUa, If this waa eo, it probably p rer cn ted the 
ttrifc that woald aatarally hate resalted from so artifidal a dhrition, 
detigned perhapa by the Romaat to make Namidia a less formidable 
adghboar to the prorince. 

L 4. Adharbalam, 'the worshipper of BaaL* Cf. Schrdder, Fh. 
Spr. p. X07. . * 

L 8. e. 6. pollena Tixiboa daoora xaote. With thiachangeofcoo- 
atractioa d Cat 39. 4, 'qaodai . . . Catiliaa snperior aat.aeqaa mann 



L o> forn. This is the only place in Sallast where this form of the 
datfre of the foarth dedeasion ni well attested. Anlas Gellins (4. x6, 8) 
ghres examples firom Caesar aad adda, 'ia libris qaoqae aaalogide omnia 
iatiaa modi eme i litem dicenda centet* 

L 10. moa gontlt . . . eqnltara. Thas Vergil (Aen. 4. 41) apeaks of 
the *Namidae inxreni' which Lacaa (4. 68a) amplifiea, 'et gens qnae 
aado retideBS Massylla dotso | ora leri flectit trenoram nescia Yirga,' 
Lrty deacribes tbem (aj. ao, 4) as riding with a firesh horse betide them, 
onto which they ated to leap ia the thick of the fighting ('detaltoram 
in modam*). 

L 13. looaom. When Dr. Shaw meatioaed ia cotrteraation at Oxtord 
that the natrve tribet in Africa aot only hnnted bnt ate liona, this waa 
regarded aa a tmveQer^a licence, tor 'H had long paasad aa almoat the 
pecaliar prrvflege ef the lioa feo eat maa. • • • I do aver that I have ate 
paxt of three liona» ... I coafcas that I heve no deafaa of being again 
with aach a morsd, bat theAreba,* taviam aad igaoxaat toDc, 



NOTES. CHAPS. 5-7. 141 

will, I fear, notwithstanding tfae diebelief of the University of OsJbrd, 
continue lo eat liont ae long as they exist' Bruce'e Travcle, InL 

p. 2$. 

aut introduces a liinitation, aa 56. 5, ' cuneti aut magna pars;' 31. 
19, * paz aut deditio.' 
L 17. parvia ltberia, 'while hia children werestill young.' 
1. 18. intellegit, probably an obaolete form of thc perf. ; c£ Cat 

51. 24. 

L 19. onm animo. Freqaent in Sallatt with other verbs like 
' volvere,' 'reputare/ and regarded by critics aa an archaiam or imitation 
of Cato. 

1. J3. mediocrie, 'of moderate ambition.' 
tranaroraoa agit» ' makea them swerve from the path of recti- 
tude;* cf. 14. ao. The expression occnra in late writera iike Seneca 
and Qnintilian. 

1. 23. atadi* in Xngnrtham aooenea. Borrowed probably by Tac 
Ann. 3. 4, 3, 'studia hominnm accenaa in Agrippinam/ 

L 28. o. 7. obieotaro perionlia. A poetic phrase ; cf.Verg. Aen. a. 751, 
and Tac Hiat 3. 33, 4. Thia charge againat Midpaa may remind na 
of the deaign againat Gennanicus, impnted by Tadtna to Tiberina ( Ann. 
a. 42, i\ 'amoUri iuvenem apecie honoria statuit' There conld be no 
evidence of the motive m qncation. 

1. 39. bello Vnmantino. The brave Spaniah town of Numantia, 
npon the npper Dorina, waa forced by the aggreaaion and perfidy of 
Roman generals to fight on to the bitter end. With only 8000 defendera 
ahe routed the legiona year after year, and forced a whole army to 
capitulate, and waa only reduced at last by the overpowering numbera 
with which Sdpio drew hia besieging lines round the devoted dty, and 
forced her at laet, not by force of arms, but by starvation, to snrrender, 
133 B.C. 

1. 31. eaeriti*, 'fierceness/ rather than 'croelty ; * ct Verg. Aen. xi. 
9x0, ' saevum Aeneam agnovit Turnus in annie/ 

P. 05, L 1. naturam. F. SeJpionia. The conoueror of Carthage and 
Numantia, who stood out among the incapable generals of his timc, 
ahowed patient tenadty rather than genius in his anccesses. In both 
wars he found a demoralised army m which hia first task waa to revive 
thestringency of the old Roman disdpline, and make hardy aoldieza of 
hiamen by rigoroua drill and constant labour in the trenchea, 

L 7. in primie. Often uaed by Sattuet to strengthen an adjective ; 
«CCat3. 3; 51.41. 

L & qnornm alterum, referring by cmutr. mi unsum to the two 
aUematives juatatated,aa 'utnunque^mCat x. 6. The two are trane- 
posed by the oommon tbim of Chiaemus. The whole paasage ia 



\ 



■ i 



*4* JUGURTHINE WAR. 

probmbly taggested by Thnc. *• 40, 4» &of«p6Vrojf r69* fxoM" «Wro 
roAjiar n ol a&rol /NUiora «ai rtol oV 4«ix* l *r* / i * >/ ««*e7f C*** 8 *' & 
To& dtaott a>a*ia *«> tymoos, koyi*ft&t fti 6Vrror *)«**«<. 
- L 10. in tanieU hmbere. The gremt noblet of tfae Uter dmyt of the 
Rejmblic begmn to mtke eUbormte mrrmngementi mt to the risiting listt 
of their friends, tnd to dtvide them into diflerent cUstes, 'primme et 
tecandme tdmitsionis/ ete, The emperort emrried tbis rarther, mnd their 
krjmmtet mnd coartiers took rmnk mccordingly. 

L*n. iYamtr* ermi. Thim combmmtion im rreqnent in Smllatt mt in 
Plmnrot mnd Cmto. Cf. note 00 * mbaade,' Cmt. n. 1. 

L 13. anim. The contrmcted form often occnrt in thit tremtise, bnt 
• there it no well-mttetted exmmple of it in the Cmtiline. Cf. note on 
ift. i. 

L 15. o. 8. novt Qaintnt Pompeias, commmnder there m 140, wmt 
'm new mmn,' bnt he fmiled signmlly mt m soldier, mnd prored only hit 
. \ scmndmloas duplidty. 

L 17. fmetioml domi. How ttrong wmt the inflaence of the noble 
coteriet mt Rome mt thit time wmt thown by the impunitjr enjoyed 
by the incmpmble genermlt of Nnmmntim, who were dimobedient mnd 
corrapt mt well mt wemlc 

potentes mpad moalos. Their inflnence wmt dae to the contrirmnce 
of the Rommn mmgistrmtes, to the wide-spremd connexiont of the 
empitmlitti in the prorincet mnd mmong the 'publicmni, • mnd to corrnption 
in the jary coarts, which mmde it hopeless to bring ofiendert to jattice. 

clmri mmgim qumm honemti teemt to be borrowed by Iiry, 8. aj, 
3, 'clmri mmgit inter popalmret qamm honettL' 

L 18. non medioorem. Contrmsted with the 'mediocrii rirot* 
0/6.3. 

L ai. omnim renmlim. Saccettfnl diplommcy mnd conquest hmd 
fmtmlly corrnpted the old Rommn chmrmcter. The mristocrmcy becmme m 
nmrrow oligmrchy of m fcw raling Umilies, who relied npon their wemlth 
to tecare officemnd keepthe people in good hamoar, while they pillmged 
the world to proride memnt for their Urish oatUy. 

deletm. Thit wmt litermlly true; the mhmbitmntt were told mt 
mUres, mnd the town atterly destroyed. 

L aa. 'maadlim> the contingentt of the mllies, which now commonly 
cgceedcd the ttrength of the Rommn legions. 

L 23. in prmetoriam mbdnadt. So Liry, 30. 14, 4, - (Sdpioni) Lmelint 
et Mttintttm taperrenemnt ; qaot qaam. . . egregiit -Imadibus freqnenti 
prmetorio celebrmtmet, mbdactam in tecretam Mstinisssm tie mlloqaitar.' 
The 'prmetorium/ or generml*t tent, wmt to cmlkd in old timet when the 
term'prmetor' wmt theammeibrthe generml in commmnd, mnddidnot 
imply jadiciml fimctions» 



JVOTJBS. CffAPS. 7-1 1. • 243 

L 24. pnblios qum priTntlm, 'fay serrices to tbe state rather thaa 
gifta to indhridnal Romana.' . 
L a;. illi. For thia nse of # ille/ inetead of •§*' ct 51. 4; 6*. 1 ; 

33- + 
L 38. Tenturom agreee with 'regnum,* which ia more promment m 

the thought than 'gloriam ;* e£ 111. i, 'amiritiam, foedus, Numidiae 

partem, . . . tunc nltro adventnram.' Otherwiae the predicate wonld 

be m the plural, aocording to the ntage of SaJlnat . 

L 33. o. 0. eenatui et popnlo Bomano, for the common formnk 
'senatne popnlnaqne R.' Sailnat often uses thia Tariation, aa well aa 
'senatue atqne pop. R.' and ' popnlna et aenatna R.' - 

F. 06, L 5. vinoere, *gain ow ; ' not aa ioa. 11, ' benifidfe tictnm.* 

L 7. panooa poat annoe. Nnmantia waa destroyed 133 ■. c. 
Micipaa died in 118 (Livy, Ep. 63). 

L ia. o. 10, in regnum menm, *my royal houee,' Thongh 
Midpea may not have thonght of the adoption ao early he withea here 
to imply that he had done so. 

L 13. liberia, thongh in all the MSS., aeema opt of place with # si 
gennietem.' It ia donbtfnl whether Midpaa conld have taken charge of 
Jugurtha before the birth of hia own children, and 'ob benindn' wonM 
qualify 'liberia' in ita present place. It would be eaaier to take 'u 
gennisaem' 6f Jugurtha. 

L 14. falsum, in a paaaiTe sense, aa 85. ao, • illi firisi aunt* 

L 15. meque regnnmqne. So Cat 9. 3, * teqne remqne pnblicam.* 
When Sallnst repeata the ' qne ' there ia always a personal prononn m -V*-f 4- 
the first member of the sentence. 

L 16. honornTiatL The reading of a good MS^ •oneravietV aeema 
more probable. 

L 18. renoTatum, referring to the repntation which Maainieea had 
won in Spain. 

L 20. per regni lldem, *by the hononr of a king/ whkh Jngnrtha 
waa aoon to be. 

moneo obteetorqne. A farourite formnla with Sallnst ; cf • 49. a ; 
©a. i. 

L30. antehoa. For thisuseof 'ante,*<£ Cat 53. 3. 

P. 07» L a. liberoa, in the pluisJ, to corretpond to the object of 
' gennitee/ aa well aa ' snmnsiasc.' 

L4. o. U. flotft, •msincere.' 

L 5. alitex for •alia/ a« Cat 45. 5» 'bene poUieeantnr;' and 85. 37, 
• bene praedicent ' for • bona.' 

L 7. more regio. The two great monnmenta of andent daye, calkd 
the Mc d r aasen and the Tombean de la Chi&ienne, were probably royal 
tombs like the pyimmida of Egypt The baae is m each caae neariy aoo 

R * 



\ 



■ 



1 1 

1 



1 ; 



1 



i' 



I 



TT 



«44 • • JUGURTHINE IV AR* 

■ 

Jeet in diameter, and consists of an enctrcling zoae presfnting a vertical 
wall with 60 engaged columns, while abore rises a series of steps 
Jbrming a sort of tmncated cone. One is thought to fae that of hfasi- 
aisss, the other of Juba II ; c£ Playfair * In the steps of Bruce/ pp. 2$ 
and5& 
]. 7. iaetft. Sc 'officia.' 

regnli, dimiiL, not of yonth, but of limited powcr. 
L 9. Tntnnmns Tfye ' natn ' which should qualify • minnmns * is 
olten omitted, as by Ury, r. 53, 5. 

L 10, materno genere inper, repeated 108» 1, and copied by 

Tadtus, Hist a. 50, 1, ' matemnm genns impar.* It seemstohaYe been 

the grandmotherwho was of lower rank, not the mother of J. ; c£ 5. 7. 

L 11. dextra Adherbalem edsedit, 'sat down on the right hand of 

AdherbaL' Both 'adsidcVe' and 'assidere' take an acc at times; c£ 

% Tac. Ann. 4. 58, 4. 

i L la. apud Nnmidaa honort Romans and Parthians siso laid 

atress on this, for Snlla took tbe middle place between Ariobarzanes 

and the ambassador firom Parthia, who is said to have sufiered in conse- 

qnence firom bis master*s displeasnre (Plutarch, Snlla 5). 

L 13. fatlgatna. Often nsed absolntdy, withont 'predbus/ by 
Sallust, as by Tadtus, Hist 1. ao, x. 

- L 15« iaott. Used of iaddental remarks or suggestions thrown 
I out ; ct Tac Ann. 4. 68, 4, 'Latiaris iacere fertnitos primnm sermoaes.* 

1 L 19. adoptatione. This older form of 'adoptio ' is only once used 

{ by Cicero. Dietsch proposes to omit the word on the grouadthat the 

1 'statim adoptavit' of 9. 3 points to an earlier date for this step, if not 

ibr thegrant of snccession to the throne. 

L ao. Yerbnm, * ezpression ; ' c£ Cat 53. 1, and the frequent nse m 
Plautus. 

ratoa erat, 'would have snpposed;' cf. Cic. pro Sest 9. aa, 
'iramquam putaTi,* ' I nerer shonld ha*e thought' 

L s& 0. 12. propter dissensJonem, Le. the disagreement at their 
first conference had shown the aeed of strictly defined limits of 
anthority. 
Lja Thirmid*. The site snd history of this town are un- 



proxamns liotor. The attendants of the Roman magistratei 
pteceded them in regnlar order of lank, beginning with the lowest in 
dignity. The technical term 'lictor ' is timnsferrsd from Roman nsage 
Uke the inititary titles; c£ Cat 53. 3. 

P. 98, L 3. tngnrio. Commoary a *hut/ here probably some 'celT 
or oorriqiVting. The*of 'tegera^Uannnulatedto thelbUowtt^ 
asto#ia*' 



NOTES. CNAPS. 11-14. 145 

mulieris — »«m«* For thls use of an attribntfo subst cf. 64. i f 
'contemptor animua/ Cat 38L 1, 'homines adolescentes.' 
L 14. o. 18. illum alterum. Cl 16» 5. 

L ao. pxoriaoltnu The former territory jof Cartfaage, which was 
mentd by Rome under the epedaliaed name ol Africa when the king- 
dom of Numidia was enlarged. Its borders were Tabraca on the 
riter Tosca on the west and Thenae on the east, but inland tbe frontkr 
is vaguely marked by the names of Aqnae regiae, Zama regia, BaHa 
regia, It did not thcrefore inclnde all the old Vhoenkian oolooies, for 
Hippo regins and Leptis magna lajr beyoud it, and witbin seren of the 
old cities ranked as free towns. It seems to have been of littk nse m 
the war except as a basis of operations. Under ordmarj condhiotts it 
would have been goveroed by a praetor or ptopraetor. 

L as. potiebatur, *was entering into possession oi? Fcc nse of 
imperl with 'postquam/ cC Cat 56 4« Jng. 58L 7. 

L a& praeoipit On variations of MSS. bere and ia like passagee, 
c£ note on Cat 41. 5« 

L30. hospitibus. Probably tbe old friends and conneyions of 
Jugurtha, not the offidal «p4f«roc of Numidia. 

L 33. feTorem. We are told by Qnintilian that Ckero regarded 
this word as a novelty : the innovation, however, probably consisted in 
extending the nse of it from the applame of an audknoe or of spectators 
at the games to general approvaL C£. Cic. pro Sest 54. 115» 'qui 
mmore et, nt ipsi loqountur, stvore popnli tenetnr' (with note of Reid 
ap. HoldenX 
L 33. quorum refers by cmstr. adstwum to 'nobilitas.' 
P. 99, L 1. gravius . . oonanleretor. This verb is often nsed by 
Sallnst with an adverb, 'beM,* 'rna^' 'hoo^ste/ and thc like. Cicero 
avoids the construction. 

L 3. senatus . . datur, 'aodience is granted.' Iivy often has this 
ibrmnla for spedal bnsiness of tbe senate. 

L 6. 0. 14. proouretionom, 'ttewardthip.' The 'procarator' was 
a bailiff or agent depnted to manage bnsiness or oondnct a case in the 
law-conrts. The stewards of the imperial hoosehold gradoally passcd 
into ronctionarJes of state, and the term 'procarator' tben became of 
political importance. 

L 13. sustinet A strong word to esprem perhaps the weight of 
the borden of Jugurtha's crimes. 

L 17. poosom. In snpport of this Jordan refers totfae likeseqnence 
in 34. 9, bnt the best MSS. have 'posse me/ which is preferabk. . 

L 18. ao memme. 'If poasible that theRomaa peopie sfaonldowe 
meserTicesofwhichlhadno need, or fiuling that, if I mnst want tfaek 
help, tfaat I sfaonld have a right to daim it* 



ii 
■f 



946 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L 35. in suis dubiis rebua, 'when theirfortnne was waTcring.' 
adpetiYorunt, One of the Tcry fcw cases in wbich the tennination 
in -trmntvk found in the bett MSS. of Sallust; c£ note 00 Cat 3. 1. 

L 27« quo tempovo. There is Uttle truth in this. Maiiniiaa bad 
changed tides more than once in the ttruggle between Roine and 
Carthage. When he ulthnately joined the •former, ihe had already 
proved henelf the stronger, and was on the high road to rictory. 

L a8. quorum» referring to 'famiHa ;' cf. 13. 8. 

L 33. probiboro iniuriam. A large programme of intervention on 
high moral gronnds that wonld havo sounded strangeljr in the ears of 
Roman atatesmen. 

P. 100, L 11. iuro, 'naturally ;' L e. by right of snperior power. 
patubamur. Yet the aggression was all 00 their side, and the 
Carthaginians wcre the snferers. 

L 14. niai forto. The only paasage in which thit expreation occurs 
in Sailnst with a conjunct, and withont irony. 

L 15. aoeloro • • soao ooteona, *in a transport of guilty insolence.' 
In older Latin to the time of Cicero a is the nsnal form of the prepos. 
before/ as in 'edari,' though before other consonants tx is found ; cC 
Corssen, 1. 155« 

L 19. in imporio roatro, ' within the raogc of your empire.' 

L ao. eztorrom points to an old form 'torra*—'terra.' 

L ai. tutlus . • oasom. Thia is a bold extension of the nsage by 
which adverbt like 'frnstra,' 'abunde,' etc* are combined by him with 
the Terb •esse.' Cfc 87. 4, 'laxins licentiuaque faturos ;' - 94. 1, 'nti 
prospectns mcQins foreL 

L 95. quod in ftnnilia» 'our famtty has taken good care that all the 
help which it could render should be at your dispotaL' 

L 31. naturao oonootsit» 'obeyed natare's call/ 

P. 101, L a. pon • . aotL A common constrnction in LWy and 
other writers. 

L 5. quao aut amial aut. Cf. note 00 35. 3. 
ox neooteariia, 'though of my own kith and kin.' 

L 9. hxmoatarum, 'respectable,' 'strited to my rank;' so CaL 7. 6. 
qno adoodam. Donatus, in a note to Terence, Hec 3. 3, 18, tays 
that Sallust haa the phrase 'quo accidam/ and tome editors have 
aocepted it ia thit passage against all MS. authority. . Enniut, ap. Cic 
Tntc 3. 19, also tttet it. 

L 17. fbro. Depending on a rerb hnplied in 'instituit.' 

L 19. TolontCbua. Eqaxralent to 'benevolia,' cf. 73. 3. 

1L 18-31. no . . roddat. U 'ne' betakeninthetenaeof 'nae? (pbQ, 
thcconjunctnraatboexplaJneduduetothehyp^ 
k tho foregoing sentence. It may seem simpler, however, to suppoac 



NOTSS. CHAPS. 14, 15. 147 



•ne*-'ca*eat ne.* The dimculty hat cauted tome edito» to retd 
'reddet* 

1. 31. tomliin, C£ Verg. Aen. 4. 371, 'iam iam nec masJma Iuno | 
nec Saturniut haec oculit pater aspidt aequis.* 

L 33. unde for 'a quo.* Ci note 00 Cat 5. 1. 
laetandojn. Cfc note on Cat. 51. to, 

P. 109, L 3. amialstL Taken by teogma in diflerent shades of 
meaning : • Yon ha*c not only loat a kingdom, but hevc heen tpared,' etc 

L 6. ouiua. Referring to ' ipte/ 'though my power.* 

L 7. emori, 'a tpeedy death/ 

1. 18. o. 15. ultro, 'at the aggreuor.* 

1. ao. putarent The plnr. by comstr. adstnsum with 'tenatnt/ at 
commonly in Liry, bnt rarely in Cicero. 

L ti. utrique, 'both parties.' 

L 23. deprerata. The ting. is here, at in 85. 46» nsed with 'magna 
para/ possibly to aroid confusion with 'mntores.' Elsewhere it taket 
a plural. 

L 19. Soaurua. TheccgnonraofScauras('bandy-legged;' 'Scanmm 
prayit rultum male talis/ Hor. S. 1. 3, 48) wat hereditary in a branch 
of the patrician Aemilii, which had never before attained to nrach 
dittinction. The mther of M. Aemilint Scanmt it taid to have 
been a charcoal merchant of narrow means, and the ton a money- 
lender. He worked hit way np to the contnlship in 115, and the 
censorship in 109, when he made the Aemilian road in North Italy. 
At 'princept senatnt' and a resolnte conservathre he had great inftuence 
with the senate, and eren with the commons, thongh often singled ont 
for attack by political rivals. His large fortane rapidly immed gavc 
colonr to the charget which Sallnst repeatt at part of the scandalout 
gossip of the times, and C Memmint tannted him with hit untcrnpalont 
greed at the trial of Bettia (Cic de Orat t. 70). But Cicero tpoke of 
him in the langnage of anmeasnred praise ('ecqnem hominem ridemus 
parem consUio, graiitate, constantia, ceterit rirtntibut . . . M. Aemilio 
Scaaro,' pro Font 14), and he wat probably referied to by Jnrenal at 
atypeof censorian rigour (11.91). Hit memoirt terad afterwardt at 
hittorical materials, aod Cicero callt them useful, thoogh he addt 'that 
no one readt them now ' (Brut 19). 

L 31« Teritua. SaUott doet not tcrnple to impnte motiTet and claim 
fttll knowledge of thooght at weU at action. 

L 33. polluta. The word 'pollnere* it commonly appUed tb holy 
periont or pnre thmgt which are defiled ; somctimes, however, in a 
more general way, at 63. 7, 'nornt nemo tam clarot erat • . . quin • . . 
qoati poUatnt haberetar.' It It a still bolder extention of itt nte to 
employ 'poUuta/ at equivalent to 'foeda/ •» « epithet of 'Ucentia.* 



V. 



248 JUGURTHINR WAR. 

F. 100» Li.e. 16. Yero. The neat. adj. in a substaatival tcnte is 
rarely used In the dat, though very often in acc 

L s. prothim aut gratlam, 'bribery or intrigue. 9 

deoam legatL Cf. note oa ai. 4. The senatorian conunuaion 
generally conristrd of ten members, when their duty wat to organixe 
a province, or anange with a rictorioas general for landt recently 
annexed. 

L 4. legationis prinoepe. The president was not spedally named, 
bnt was the deputy whose senatorian rank was highesL 

X«. Opimius, as praetor in 125 B.&, had stamped out the fire of 
msnrrection among the Latin colonies by the destrnction of Fregellae ; 
as consnl in lai he headed the attack on the Aventine whexe the 
pH*f M of C. Gracchns had taken np anns in their defence, and oflered 
to ghre for the heads of the insnrgents their weight in gold. Three 
thoQsand, it Is said, were pnt to death dther in the streets or in the 
n ros ccuti ons that soon followed. 

L 8. adoqratfssnina, 'with most scrnpalons conrtesr.* 

L 9. xama llde. The ablatirei here are to be explained as dne to 
the comparison implied by ' anteferreV like the abl. of comp. fellowing 
'potins* or 'prius. 9 Some editors read 'fiunae,' and then take 'fide* as 
the rare dathre of 'fides/ thns leaving 'anteferret ' its nsual constmction. 
It is a still bolder assnmption to make 'femae' the gen. after 'fide* as 
Jjietsch does. 

L 13. agro YliisqxLO opnlantior. As it was the more remote firom 
the dTilixing mflnence of the Phoenidan towns, and inhabited by the 
wilder and more nomad races, it does not seem to have been the better 
portion, thongh it may have farnished hardier soldiers for an ambitious 



1 ■ 



i ■ 



L 14. ffiam altaram. Cf. 13. 1. It was obrionsly to the interest of 
Rome not to have a prince of energy and ambition close on her frontier, 
and the prindple of the division therefore is better explained by policy 
than bribery. 

L 15. poasodit, 'took possesdon oV From 'possido/ 

L 16. e. 17« Afrioao. This word origmally denoted the very limited 
regioo of the Afri, or the later Zengitana. It was afterwards extended 
to mdnde Byxadnm, or the eastern strip of Tunisia, and its meamng 
was gradnally widened with the annexations and knowledge of Rome» 
. L 19. minna troqoantata» 'less fiequently vidted* by travellers. 

L so. oo np or tum narravorim, 'find any snre aooonnt to give.' Cf. 
TacAan. s. is, 4, 'tribunos laeta saepias quam o umpei t a nunciare,' 

L ss. plaeiciaa. Herodotns (s. 16) critidses the Ionian geographers 
who dtvided the world mtothe three parts, Eorope, Ada, and Afiica ; 
thmt the two kst were dividad by the Nile, but kaving the 



NOTES. CffAPS. 16, 17. *4? 



Delta unacconnted ibr. This dirision teens to have beea catahlished 
in his time, and was accepted by Stxmbo and others. 

L 95. paoei. Herodotus would pot Libya (or Arrioa) in Asia, and 
thooght Europe iar larger than both together. Isocratei refers to the 
twofold dirision (Paneg. 48)» and Vano says (de L. L. 5. 31), 'dirise 
est coeli xegionibus tem m Asiam et Europam/ Cf. Lncan 9. 411» 
'Tertia pars remm Libyae, d credere xamae | cnncta ▼elis; at si ventos 
coelumqne seqnaris | pars erit Enropae.' 

1. 24. tretnxn. The Straits of Gibraltar, or 'fretnm Caditarmm/ as 
explained by Pomponins Mela 1. 1, '-angustias mtroitumque Yenientjs 
(maris) nos fretum, Graed wspfjiAr appeUant* 

L 35. nostri maxia. The Mediterranean sea was cominonly so called 
by the Romans; cf. 18. 4. 

deeliyem UUtndlxism. C£, Pomponins Mela 1. 8, 'Catabathmos 
vaUis derexa in Aegyptum finit Atricam ;' and again, 'a C. magno con- 
tinnns est in Aegyptnm desflfnaus.* This was the name gtan to the sandy 
platean which gradnally dips towaxds the valley of the Nilc, the inodern 
DJebel Akabah el Kemr. 

L 26. xnare aneTom. IUuatxated by the great losses xrom shipwrecks 
in the First Pnnic War. 

L 37. inpoxtnosTiin. Cf. Pliny, N. H. 5. 1, 'non alia paxs terrarom 
panciores xedpit sinos.' Of the large nnmber of Phoenician colonies 
scattered along the north ooast of Africa very xew had natnral harbonrs 
of any size or secnrity. 

nger trugum fertilis. Cf. Pliny, 18. 10, 'tritico nihil est fcrtUius 
. . . ntpote cnm e modio, si sit aptnm solom, qnale in Byzacio Africae 
campo, centeni quinquageni . • . modii reddantur. Misit ex eo loco Divo 
Angnsto procnrator eins ex nno grano qnadringenta pancis xninns ger- 
xnina.' Herodotns speaks of the land near the Cinyps retnrning thxee ^ 

hnndred for one, thongh theretnxnnow ishardly more than tenxbld there. 
bonus peeori. The central plateaa between the Great and Littie 
Atlas, with the wide steppes of the salt lakes, is speciaUy snited for 
pasturage as the great ▼alleys of the coast-lands axe for corn. Compare 
the picturesque description of Vergil, Georg. 3. 339-340. 

' arbori. For this use of the smg. et 48. 3, 'collis restitus oleastro;' 
57. 4, 'glande pugnaxe.' The want of timber is stiU a genexal charac- 
texistic of the country, thongh thexe axe great forests near the coast and | 

in the xecesses of the mountains. There was probably mnch more in 
the later days of Roman occupation, as m the region of Tnnis the rains \ 

of Roman oU-miUs axe often seen on what axe now arid and treeless )• 

plains. The Axabs xecklessly cleaxed the ground after their conqnest l 

Ihn Khaldoun says: 'The vast xegion between Tripoly and Taagiet, f 

which had the appearance of an immense thkkct, uwler the ihads of i 



« 






*50 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

which rose a mnltitude of rillsges tonching each other, now offered 
no other aspect thin that of rnins* (Playfair, Trmveli» p. 155). 

L 38. pennria aquarum. This is especialljr the case dnring the drjr 
season firom April to October, when little or no rain firils, and the 
streams nearlj all drjr np. The rhrers are monntanrtorrents in the 
winter, bot bedsofrocksor sandj Wadjrsin thesnmmer. The rainfall, 
however, increases with the neamess to the eastera coast Pliny 
fancUnllj connects the scartity of water with the abnndance of animal 
types, 'ideo (inopia aqnarnm ad pancos amnes congregantibns se feris) 
mnltifonnes ibi animalinm pertns' (8. 16). In this description one 
characteristic fcatnre is strangely enongh omitted, that of the mountains. 
The chains of the Great and little Atlas, with the secondary chains 
which dfaerge from them, dhride the conntrjr into mnnmerable valleys, 
and leave little eatj commnnication bctw e en the npland regions and the 
coast-lands. 

genus hominnjn aalubrl oorpore. Cf. the acconnt of Masinissa 
in Cic de Senect 10, 'arbitror te andire, Stipio, hospes tnns aritns 
Mssmitss qnae fscist hodie 90 annos natns : cnm ingressns iter pedibns sit, ; 
in eqnnm omnino non ascendere, cnm eqno, ex eqno non descendere, 
nnllo frigore addnci nt capite operto sit* 

L 31. maJiflcd genazis. Cf. Pomponins Mela 1. 4, on Africa, *in- 
fcstaatur mnlto ac malefico genere animalium.* Shaw ennmemtes the 
lion, panther, dnbbah (perhaps the hyaena of the ancients), malignant 
▼iper, locust, and scorpion (1. 315). Large nnmbers of the fiercer. 
animals were sent thence to the amphitheatres of Italy. Faacy dealt 
' fieely with this subject, thns we read in Pliny (N. H, 8. 14) of a battle 
between the army of AtUins Regnlus and a monstrons serpent which 
was iso fcet long. Leo Africanus speaks of the huge dragons in the 
cavcs of the Atlas, *they are most ▼enomoos creatures, insomnch that 
whosoerer is bitten or tonched bj them, his flesh presentlj wazeth soft, 
ndther can he by any means escape death.* 

P. 104» L x. plaToaqne optlnet* Commonly the phrase 'fiuna ob- 
tbet' is nsed withont an object 

Li. ti Ubrls Ponioia. Thongh there was a natta Libyan, or 

\ Berber language, yet the Phoenidan was reoehred as a cdthrated 

[ langnage in the ruling «milies. The deseendants of Masinissa bore 

Pnnic names, and Nnmidian coins had afterwards Phoenidan characters 



Hiempealia, Kot tfae prince who was kflledinc is, bntalater 
one who mkd after the war, and who seems to hare had litemry aad 
historic tastea like the mom fiuaous Jnba of later times. 

Passhre nse of a Terb cominonly deponent ; cC 



j aoteon^edepta/Cat 7. 3» 

i l 



NOTSS. CHAFS. 17, 18. 25 1 

L 4. fldea elua rei, 'the warrant for the story.' The sentence it nid 
by Seneca (Qu. Nat 4. 3) to have been a common formula with writen 
who did not cnre to vouch Ibr a story which thej lepeated. 

I 6. e. 18. GaetulL Thit it a general name for the nathre popula- 
tiont fonnd on the sonthera alopei of the Atlat range, and among the 
oaies to the north of the Great Sahanu They are alao ealled Madcea 
(the Mdfvff of Herodotna) and Sophakes (whence the Sophax or Syphax 
of the Massaetyli). The Berber name for them it Amasigh. 

Xdbyee, The general name for the native Berben of the north of 
Africa, mclnding the Afri, the Zeugijof Zeugitana, and the Bysn of 
Bysncram. They were at an early date an agricnltnral people, with 
a dittinct langnage and written c h aracte n which are stiTl prctei t e d 
in intcriptiont* 

L 8. noque moribua neque lege. Thit it bnt a conjectnral account 
of early nomad life. 

L 9. Tagi palaatee. Orer the great tteppn of the Atlat, and on 
the touthem slopes, the natnral cbnditiont tend to nomad habitt, and 
early traditiont point to a wide dkpenion of tereral of the natrve 



L 10. Haroules • • interiit There are Greek legendt of Heracks | 

which connect him with the Wett of Europe, tnch at thote of Geryoneus, 
the Hesperides, and Atlas, in which the featnrn of a tolar myth are ■ 

teen under a thin ditgnite. In thete he appean alone, bnt thc local 
legendt of Africa and Spain bring him thither from Atia with an army 
compoted of ▼urious racn which tettle there, and nnder hit lead found j 

ancient cities. He it the Tyrian Melkart, the patron deity of the | 

Phoenician sailors, who leappean at Makar, Malchus, Himilco, etc; 
hit motley train pointt to the mingled elements of many an early colony 
which needed soldien of fortnne to protect it, and fieth settlera to ^ 

recmit its ttrength ; they come throngh Spain, for Tanhish (Tartesns) 
was the earliett ccntre of Tyrian mfluence m thc West Iibyan vertions 
of the legend grew np at a time when the rhralry of race wat ttrong 
between the nati>es and the Punic peoples, and they therefow ignore 
the Phoenician followen of Melkart naming in their stesd the mmous ! 

peopln of Asia from whom they were ptoud to claim descent 

L xi. oonpoaitua ez rariia gentibua. Cf. Diod. 4. 19» waXAed 
*&tj0t*f aVtydforair 4« warrh Wrow itmtcim ewr^ o rsrferm; Plin. N. H. 
3. 3, 'in uniYersam Hispaniam M. Varro penrenitse Iberos et Persss et 
Phoenion Celtasque et Poenas tradit* Arabiant, Scythians, and Grceks j 

are named by other writen (Morers, Phon, a. 114). I 

L 1*. albi quisque, The nom. cannot be defended on any principle I 

of grammar. In a panage somethnes compared with it (Iiry, ai. 45, 4, : 

'onmet, lelutDiis auctoribut in spem snam ajtfsoue acceptis, pcoeUum l 



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S$9 JUGURTHINB WAR. 

. • • poscnnt*) the 'qnisqne ' it reaUy in apposition with 'omnes/ bnt in 
the tezt the eonftrnction is changed, and the 'qnisqne' cannot be 
vegarded as the nom. to the wb. It is ooe of the idioms that grow 
ont of the habitnal tepetition of a phrase the strict constmction of 
which is lost sight o£ So in Jnstin. 99. 1, 8, 'in snorum qnisqne 
maiomm Testigia nitentibns magna indoles enituit' 

L 13. Persae. Eariy Libyan txaditions, which deal with the Persiin 
immigrants, are mentioned by Pliny (5. 8) and others, and the Berber 
historians also spoke of them. They are connected in fancy with the 
Fhamsii to the S.W. of Manretania and Fez, of which an older name 
was Fars. C£ also Eiek. 37. 10, 'They of Persia and of Lnd and of 
Fhnt were in thy army.' 

L 14. loooa. Oftennsed bySaUustin themasc plnr. ofdistricts. 

L 15. intra Ooeanum magia, 'nearer to the coast of the Ocean.' 
Cf. for this nse of 'intra/ Cic pro Sext 37. 58, 'Antiochum iltnm Mag- 
nnm maiores nostri intra montem Tanmm regnare insserant* 

L 18. ignam In a passive senseas 53. 4, 'regio hoetibns ignara,' 
and often in Tadtns. 

L ss. mapalia. Ct Iivy, 39. 31, 4, 'fiuniliae aliqnot cnm mapalibns 
peeoribQsqne snis persecnti snnt regem;' Lncan 4. 684, 'et solitns va- 
cnis errare mapalibns Afer | venator ;' Tac. Ann. 4. 35, 1. The original 
I fbrm of the word seems to be 'magaria' or 'megara.' C£ Isidor. 

Or. 15. 13, 'magalia dictj quasi magaria, qnod Pnnici novam villam 
dicnnt' So Servins on Vergi), Aen. 1. 435. This explanation was a 
mistake which grew ont of thc act that the 'new town' of Carthage 
was called Megara firom the 'holcs' or 'hnts' of the early inhabitants. 
Cf. Schrdder, Ph. Sp. 104. 

L 33. quaal navimn oarinae. Modem travellers testify to the ac- 

cnracT of this comparison as applying now to the keel-shaped hnt 

('gnrUOoftheBedonins. The ' adhnc' cjtprcsscs the snrprise of Sallnst 

that Roman dvilisation had not efiaced these singnlarities. Procopins 

[ says the like nearry 600 years afterwards. Snlpicins Severas, describing 

them, says that the natiTes are in stormy weather safer anywhere than 

i in their homes : Dialog. i. 3, 'panrum tngnrium • • . contignum terrae, 

I aatis nrmis tabnlis constratnm • . • qnod ventoram ibi visest nt si qnando 

▼el clementior coelo aliqnantnlns spirare ftatns eoeperit mains m illis 

terris qnam m nllo mari nanfraginm si t' So Maltsan speaks of an Arab 

whoalwayslefthishonsewhenthewindwashigh. 

L 34. adossea r s Xdbyos. To make 'Libyes' the nom. to 'adcessere' 
btochangetheordcrofthethonghtanddisrm^ Theread- 

mg 'Medi • . . adocsscrc Iibycs' wonld givc a natnral order of thonght, 
and the constrnction wonld then be likt tba* of 20. 3. 
I ! BMM afrloTrm, U» the waters that wash the Northem ooest, 



JVOTJSS. CRAP. 18. 253 

where the cariY proviace of Anicn was ssade ont of the tcrritorT of 



L 15. atiUbant. Abs. ior «topcdy bloe 'agebaat.* Ct aote 00 
Cat s. 1« 

Lad. aidoKibva,'thetorrMsoae,' abstract for eoncrete. 
L 37. inter so, Lc Medi aad Hispani, the latter beiag mdentood m 
*ab Hispania.* For & vndlmi cmstr. ad tenswm, cf. Cat. 18. a. 

L 98. htanroa pro Kodia. The aadeats aaderstood by 'Maari* a 
darker race than the Libyan peoples. CC Jur. 5. 53, 'nigriaiaaasosBea 
Manri;* Iaidor. 14.5» 10, 'BfanTetanintocatnaoaloie popni onan^Giaed 
enim nigram ji b i s ii' TocanC Like the Geramantes of the deaert they 
are icfcrred to the Aethiopian race, which in cariy days streamed om 
the North of AJrica, tbough it was drfren afterwards to the West and 
Southof Libya, The Mcdian origm ls of conrse imponrible. 

L so. iMwnino Nnxnidao. Festns explains the name thns: *Numi- 
das didmas, qnod Graeci nomades, srve qnod id genas hnminom 
pecoribns negotUtur, rivc qaod herbis ut pecora aluntur.' The waader- 
iag habits which we assoriatc with the namc of 'nomads' do aot appear 
m his description. 

L 30« digroosi poscodnvo on loon. Movers belicves that this brioags 
to a genniae nativc traditk» of which maay other traces havo been 
fouad. It points, he thiaks, to the eeriy Tyrian colonies on the West of 
Africa fonnded nader the aaspices of Melkart and garrisoncd by aier- 
cenary faaada. These soldiers of fortune seem to have madc commoa 
canse with natxve tri bcs pe rhaps for the ram of their mastera and to 
havc swept over the North, and occnpied what was aftenrards Numidia. 
Thc Fhoenidan imprem which they had leeerved abeady mstcd on 
among the ruling iamilies, as is showo by pfisonal aad local names, jast 
asthecontactoftbcIibyanandSemitfem^ 
to the Iiby-Phocnician peoplc 

L $i. qnae . . . appellatar. Cl Cat 53. 3, 'tocas qaod Talbaaam 
appeUatur.* 

proxnma Osrthagino. Here, as in 19. 4, the abL ls accepted m 
thc text with 'proxnma* on the aathority of the grammarian Arusianns, 
thomjjhthcbestMSSbhavc^Caithagmcm.* la 75. 6 aad 94. 5 thc con- 
stractioB may bc dther that of datbc or ahL Lea freqoent^y SeJIaet 
has thc acc aftcr 'proxumas.* 

L 3*. utriqoA Le. thc indigenoas Numkaaae, aad the arixod aot of 
Pcnaans aad Nnmidiaae» 

P. 105, L s. pan infrrior, Lc nesxcr to thc sea-coaat. It oocnrs 
alao ia the IavecL m SalL 7. 19. 

L 3. ploraqno ab Nojnidls poesissa. The range of tbo term Na- 
midfewasaftmrardsnarrcwcd,as that of Ainca was widoned, aad tho 



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954 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

two provinces called Mauretania Caeseriensis and Tingitana were cnt 
ont ofit on the Western side. 

L 3. in gentem • . . oonoosaere, •were merged in the race/ 

L 5. o. 10. multitudinia . . . minuendae. TherewasUttleroomonthe 
narrow strip of coaat for the growing populations of a trading people, 
and atreams of emigrants went foith for centuries in the age of the 
asccndancy both of Sidon and of Tyre. 

L 6. imperi oupidine. Commercial enterprise was probably the 
rnling motive, but the colonies, unlike those of Greece, were letained 
as subjects of the empire first of Tjrre, and afterwards of Carthage. In 
aome cases no donbt civil strife caused a discontented faction to retire 
and aeek fresh homes like the followers of Elisa, who refounded 
Carthage. These were independent firom the first, creditable indeed 
fdecori *\ but no substantial help ('pmesidio') to the parent state. 

L 7. Hipponem. There are two towns of this name, Hippo 
Diarrhytus (Buerta), Desir Utica, and Hippo Regius to the West, 
near Bona. The latter was called 'regius' firom Hala, king of the 
Massyli, who made it his residence. Masinissa, after conquering 
Syphax, king of the Maasaesyli, combined the two into one nation, and 
made Hippo one of his capitals. Gesenius derives it from 'ipu'* 
'beaaty ' (in PhoenidanX like Joppa. 

Hadrumetum, now Susa, on the northem coast of the andent 
diatrict of Bysadum, was one of the seven towns which deserted 
CexthageutheThirdPunicWar, and were rewarded with their freedom. 
Though its trade suffered when Carthage rose once more firom 
its ruina, the richness of its soil and climate made it wealthy and 
splendid. 

Iieptim. Either Leptis Minor (Lemta), near Hadrumctum, or 
Leptia Magna (Lebda) beyond TripolL The contezt points to the 
fbrmer, but the Utter is mentioned below in this chapter. 

L 9. originibua euia, 'mother-towna.' There is a.like use of the 
abatract for the concrete several times in Lhry. 

nam, as often elsewhere, implies a suppr e ss ed sentence; 'I say 
nothingof Carthage for,' etc. Cfc 31. 2 ; 82. 2 ; Cat $2, 34. 

L is. ad Oatabathmon . . . prima» 'in the direction of Catabath- 
moa • . . first comes.' CL note on 17. 4. 

L 13. aeoundo niri, 'following the line of the coast* So Orosius 
(1. a) in a similar paasage. C£ 'secundo flumine,' Caesar, B. G. 7. & 5. 
Soii>ecriticswiUnave'secunduminare.' 

oolonia> Thavaeon. For thefoundation legend of Cyrene, and iu 
conueiion whh the ialandof Thera, c£Herod. 4.150, TheGreekform 
of the gcn, pte. ia Theraeon and Philaenon ia uuutual in a Latin 



NOTES. CHAPS. 18-8O. 155 

* 1 

L 14. Loptia. The Leptjt Magna (now Lebda), called rtovtJur by t 



the Greeke to dtoingnith it from the old town on the Cinyps fbonded by 

the Spartan Doricua. It wat rich enough to pay aa tribute to Carthage ! 



a talent daily, and waa oocnpied by Maatnina after the Seoond 

War (Livy, 34.63). It wat ooeof thetbieedtiet v/Mch gaveaiiame to i 

the modern TripolL A modern traveUer tayt, 'LeptJt teema to unite in 

one beautiful tpot all the advantagei of plenty, convenience and tecurity,' 

and exprettet tnrprite that Tripoli ihould have been pief ciicd for the 

eapital of the regency (Beechey, ExpL of North Anica, p. 50). The ! 

name Leptit (or Lepki, cf. 'vema Lepcitana,* Renier, 413) It of Libyan 

origin from Telepte, where ' te' it the feminine article, at in Tabraca, 

Tunia, Tingi (Schroder, Ph. Sp. 116). ' 

FhlUonon arae. C£ the deteription in 79. 5. Strabo tayt that the 
monnment in qnettion had ditappeared, but had given a name to the 
dittrict which he thut definet : oi *tAoir«r AryejMvoc £04101 owra fUoyr 
wov Ti)r /Mrafe r*V Svjprt«r *fip (5. 171). Major Rennel tayt that it 
wat teven-nintht of the way from Carthage towarda Cyrene. 

L 18. auper Nnmidiam, 'to the touth of Numidia.* Thit con- j 

ttruction of 'tuper ' wirJ) the acc it rare in prote writert of the latt age. 

1. 34. Muluohain, * the talt ttream ' (Schroder, Ph, Sp. 140). Strabo 
( x 7* 3t °) tpeakt of the MoAoxa* «erojio9, fe 6pl(* rV M aoo o ooi it* out 
rjr MaeuitfvAfar «yjr. It wat later the boundary between the two 
provincet of Mauretania Tingitana and Sitifentit. Under the name of 
Malwia it now bounda the region of French influence in Afriea, 

1. 25. Booohut. Thit name, which often recurt in Afrieaa hittory, 
teemt to be identical with the Phoenician Melkarth - ' king of the dty,' 
or 'Melek'-kin& fbund alto in Ha-mil-car or Himilco, and contracted • 
in Malchut and Macar. Livy givet ut the form Bocchar for a general 
of Syphax and for a king of Mauretania. 

1. 38. neoeatltudinem. C£ note on Cat 17. a. 

L 32. 0. 20. aimul et Sallutt often hat thit phraee, in which 'et f 
acquirca the meaning of 'alao/ wbich it doet not certainly have in any 
other pattage in hit worka. 

P. 106, L a. ouem petebaflt 'againtt whom he wat plottmg.' 

L 3. opportunua iniuriae, ' to be wronged with impunity.' Livy 
copiet thit exprettion (28. 19, 5), 'ne quia unquam civem militemve 
opportunum iniuriae duceret.' 

L 4. ex inprovito. The hnrried narrative of Sallutt would hardly 
allow ut to believe that it wat tome yeart after the rommitrinn befbre 
war broke out again between the prineee. C£ note on 36. 3. 

L 7. oo n Tor ti t. For thit reflexive tense, c£ Cat 6. 7. 

L 14. aeont oeeaerat A euphemitm Ibr a ditattrout iarae. For the 
ute of 'ceeaeraV ct 'protpere cettere, 9 Cat 36. 5. 



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956 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L 16. animo iaxn inraeerat. C£ Cic Verr. 1. 51, 135, ' iste qui iam 
spe et opiniooe pnedam illam derorasset.' 

L 17. pvaedatoria mann. Copied probably by Tac. Ann. 4. 24, 3, 
'praedatorias maniit delecti Manromm dnxere.' 

L 23. o. 81. haud longo a mari. The ancient geographers spoke 
in difierent terms; c£ Pomponins Mela 1. 6, 'Cirta procul a mari,' and 
Strabo, 17. 3, 13, Eipra larbr iw fMtaoyalq. Bnt this looseness of state- 
ment is characteristic of Sallnst 

L 34. Oirtam. The old capital of Syphax (cf. note on 5. 4), and after- 
wards of Masinissa and Midpsa. It was snpposed that 'Cirta' was a 
Fhoenidan word for dty (c£ Kiriath, Kartha in Carthage, Carteia, 
Melcarth), bnt it is now thought to be Nnmidian, from 'an isolated 
rock,' owing to the mscription on the coins. Cf. Mttller, Num. de l'Afr. 
3. 60. Strabo (17. 3, 13) calls it w6kts t^patarani «oi waT*aK€vaafUrrj 
rofff «001, *al fiaXiara M Muttyo, eVriff *al m Bkkrfrat aww^ataw 4r airry 
aal loa av n p Iwobfatr &cr Igwiftwtur putplmn Iwwias, ZtwXaoUrm fti wt(o6s, 
It was gnren by Jnlins Caesar to the P. Sittius of Cat. ai. 3, who had done 
him good senrice as a condottiere in the anny of the king of Maure- 
taaia, It then was occnpied by the followers of Sittins. C£ Mela 
i. 7, 30, ' Cirta • • . nnnc Sittianomm colonia, quondam regnm domus,' 
Under the Empire it became the centre of a dnster of colonies, called 
the • coloniae Cirtenses,' reaching to the coast, bnt took a new name 
from the Emperor Constantine, by which it is now known. 

diei extremum. For this rabstantrval nse of the nent smg. cf. 
37. 4, 'in praerapti montis eztremo ;' 90. 1, 'aestatis extremum emt ;' 
93. 9, 'ad snmmum montis ; * and ' pleramqne noctis ' in the next line. 

L 38. fugant runduntque. More commonly in inverted order, as 
58. 3, 'mndere atqne mgare;* Cic. Off. 3. 31, 'tusi et fugati* 

L 99. togatorum, Le. of Romans and Italians who had settled there 
i fbr pnrpo s es of trade, elsewhere called 'negotiatores.' Ct 'Romanos 

reram dominos gentemqne togatam,* Verg. Aen. x. s8a. 

L 31. ooeptum atque patratum. Copied by Tac. Ann. xa. 16, 4, 
*ni proelinm nox diremisset, coepta patmtaqnc expognatio cnndem intm 
diem loret.' 

L 33. Tineia tUTribusque. This commonplace of sieges is absnrd 
in the case of Cirta, whose site was so exceptionaL Constantine is 
bnih npon a prnmsolsT promontory, inscccMible on all sides exeept to- 
wards the south-west, where it is joiaed by a narrow neck of landtothe 
contment. Qa the northem side it is bonnded by predpitoas rarines, 
1 throogh which Jlows the Rnmmel, the Ampsaga of the aadents. Cp. 

Farine, Kabyles, p. 48» 'Constantineplanteen^rement snr son rocher i 
pic, contre leqnd les armees romaincSj madales, arabes, tnrqaes, sont 
tou a toUf se jsewter* 



NOTKS. CNAPS. 90*23. »57 

t 

F. 107» 1. 1. anteoapere. CC note on Cat. 13. 4. 

L 4. senatna de bollo eonun eooepit The Romans were obliged 
to interJerc egain to protect their own zrontier from n dangerons ncigh- 
bonr, as England bas been in like casei et the Cape and in India, and 
they had the right to dispoee of territory whieh had been their own, end 
to desend their dependent 

tres adnleeoentoe. Thia seems a strange choke for an impoctant 
eommission on a delicate errand. The euroys ('legati*) were alwayt 
senatofs, generally three in number, thongh at tixnes n>e or ten Ibr more 
important embusies. Some of the members were commonly of high 
rank, consnlar or praetorian. It was regarded as a sign of contempt 
when the embassy to Prnsias in 147 B.C. was so composed, 'nt vnns 
ex iis mnltis deatridbus sparsnm capnt haberet, alter pedibos aeger 
esset, tertins ingenio sooors haberetnr' (Lhr. Epit 50). 

L d. velle et oensere. CoinmonlynWofdi&rentbodies* •*elle' of 
the popnlar assembly, • censere' of the senate. 

L 7. de oon t ror e rslia . . . disoeptare. These words are not tbnnd 
in the best MS&, and they ha*c been thonght interpolated by a scribe 
who remembered like words m Caesar, BelL Cir. 3. 107, s, 'inre apnd se 
potins qnam inter se armis disceptare/ or BelL Gell. 8. 55, a. Bnt they 
sonnd more like a technical tbrmnla which any writer might bonow from 
constitntional langnage. QL Jordan, Hermes 1. 344. 

L 9. 0.8S. maturantee reniunt So 53. 5, 'frstinans pergit;* 
44. 6, 'praedas ccrtantes agere.' 

Ln. clomona. Used by Tadtns of things t Ann. 13. 38, 5, • coUes 
clementer assnrgentes ;' Germ. 1. 3* 'dementer edito iugo.* 

1. is. neqne mains neqne oarius, 'nothing he had more respect or 
anection for than.' 

L 14. vlrtnte, non malitia. Cioero objects to this contrast on the \ 

groundthat'malitia*had been spedalisrd, as 'malioe ' is with ns. CC 
'▼irtutis contraria est Titiontas, sic enim malo qnam malitiam appettare 
eam, qnam Graed eocfar appdlant, nam malitia certi cdnsdam ritii 
nomen est ; vitiodtas omninm,' Tnsc. Disp. 4. 15, 34. 

L ao. ab inre gen tiojn, 'hfrnatnralright/ asreoognised byallraccs» 
Cl Cic de Off. 3. «3, 'neqne tcto hoc solnm natura, id est inre gentium, 
sed etiam legibns popnlomm . . • constitntnm est' It Is also called 
'ittsnatnrale.' 

L 33. eopie. As 18. 5 wiu gerund, but Cat 17.6 withinfin. 

L 94. o. 28. propter looi naturam. Contrast this jejnne state* 
inentwi&Blakesley^FomMcnthsmAlgeria,^ 
noblest dte, I shonld think, m the whole world? If Sallnst knew the 
dty, M s s ilenc e illnstrates the comparathre mdifference of the andentsto 
the pictaresqne. 



258 yVGURTHINB WAR. 

L 37. per Yim ant dolie. A ▼ariety of constroctions fiequent in 
SaUnst; CC7. 1. 

L 28. formidinom oetentare. A phrase repeated by SaUust, 66. 2, 
the result instead of the causes. 

P. 108, L 1. eonflrmat nti . . . pergerent, 'encourages them to 
make their way,' past conj. after an historical present 

1. ii.o.24.b*nifloie^Le.theadoptionof Jogurtha and the title to the 



L 13. ineertns enm. Dietsch reads • incertnm est ' after the Vatican 
M&» on the ground that 'mcertns snm v in 14. «3, means 'I am un- 
dectdecL' Bnt SaUnst may ha*e nsed ihe phrase in different senses ; 
ct Jofdaa, Hermes 1. 239. 
. L 14. niai tamen, an elltptical exprestion, meaning 'I will only say, 

j- howrrer/asif itwerc 'hocunnmtamenaddo^niemteUegere;' CC67. 3; 

100.5. 

anpra onam ogo anm petere - 'aliqoid qnod snpra me est p/ 
•is aiming at a higher mark than myselzV. . For a similar ellipse with 
i' 'anpra,' c£ Cat 3. a. 

L 23. qnae ecribo. The Vatican MS. has 'scripsi,' and is foUowed by 
Dietsch, on the analogy of the close of a letter, bnt Jordan notes that 
the 'scripsi 9 is there added as a sort of postscript, and that it is not 
{ " necesssry in the middle (Hermes 1. 138). 

L 36. oetentnt A rare word, in the nse of which SaUnst is foUowed 
by Tadtns (Ann. 13. 14, 6 ; 15. 64, s). The dattvus finalis of which 
j SaUnst has seraal examples, 'nsni,* 'leceptni,' etc* is innch more 

largely nsed by Liry and Tadtus. 

L 39. manibna inplia. The omission of the preposition is nnnsnal 
with 'eripere,' except in the case of persons. In 83. 3, we read 'ex 
manibns eriperetnr.* The MSS. are drrided on the point 

P. 100, L a. e. 26. eiadem illia, L e. whom we mentioned above, 
15. a. 
L 3. enianm. Qt note on 'interpretatam,' 17. 7. 
L 5. maioree natn. Not 'adulescentes, 9 as 31. 4. 
I L 7. oonsnmria. Scanrns was oonsnl 113 B.C. with M. Caecilins 

Metellus. 

aenatna prinoepe, the first mscribed on the roU of the senate. 
The title was pnrely honorary, and canied with it no claims 'de iure,' 
thongh the 'pcmceps' often came torward as the spokesman of his 
order in times of crisis. Scanms was 'princepa' in 115 B. c. (PUny 
2. 37, ' princepa M. Scanros m consnlatn O, as m sereral other periods, 
thongh not censor tiU 109, and the mle therefore did not then apply 
j whkh waa appealed to m Lhry 37. u 9 % that the oldest senator 

of cfnsorian rank ahonld be styled 'pcmcep*.' None bnt patricians 



f 



NOTES. CffAPS. 23-17. S59 

were 10 hooonred till Q. Lntatins Catnlns was made 'princcps/ 
70B.C. 

in inridia erut, So Iirjr. 99. 37, xs, 'm invidia quum essent 



1. 8. aimul «l obseo r a ti . Note the change of coastruction, common 
alco in Thucydides and Tadtus. 

L 9. Utioam. Thc earliest of thc Phoenidan colonics on thc coast oC 
Africa, xioo B. c. according to Pliny (Movers 9. a, 148), and for ages s> 
Jrec ally of Carthage. It sct thc example of revolt at the ontset of thc 
Third PunicWar, and was rewardcd with {reedom and broad lands at thc 
dosc Angnstns gnve it thc franchise, and Hadrian made it a 'colonia 
Adia Hadriana.' Thc shorcs arc now ten miles away firom Buscbiter, 
thc site of thc old town, for thc mnddy cnrrents of thc Bagradas havc 
silted np thc harbour and thc bay itselt Thc only rnins left arc thc 
reserroirs of thc aquedocts, now nscd as cattle-sheds. A ndghbonrimj 
hill marks the spot wherc once the castle stood. • Herc a beantiral view 
prescnts itsclf otct the predncts of thc town, thc harbour, canals, and 
moats, of all of which the ontlincs can be followcd. Even thc lines of 
the strects and thc gronnd-plan of thc boildings arc visible, nothing is 
wanting bnt thc roins themsdves' (Heasc-Wartegfc Tunis, p. 335). 

L 10. soque . . . mlssoc, following a verb * tdling him,' implied 
in 'literasmittunt.' 

L 14. poxTo, ' on the othcr hand ; ' d note on Cat. 46. s. 

L 18. oasum ▼iotoriao, 'chance of victory;' so 56. 4, 'praeclari 
fadnoris casnm.' Tadtns has several cxamplcs of this use, which is 
otherwise rare ; cf. Ann. 1. 13, s, 'si casns darctnr.' 

1. 96. 0.26. Italioi, thc traders refcrrcd to in 91 . 9. Thcrc werc probably 
alicns of other oountries, as Midpsa is said by Strabo to have indnccd 
Gredcs to settlc there. 

L 33. dedittanein, faoit. The sicgc of Cirta cannot have bccnearlicr 
than 114 B.c. as Scanros the commissioncr ('consularis 1 ) was oonsnl ia 
115. Uv/sEpitome^) fixesitaftertheddeatofOtftoin 113. Ita 
fall was probably m 119 B. c. 

P. 110, L 9. promisou* . . . . intcrnoik This is probably a grcat . 
cxaggeration, if not an cntirc fiction. Thc tradcrs wcrc not likcly to 
carc greatly which of the two sides triumphed, nor was it thc policy of 
Jngnrtha to ontragc Italian feeling so deeply, or to drivc ferdgn 
capital ont of thc oountry. It was probably a.Utcr scandal to blacken 
thc mcmory of Jugurtha. 

L 5. o. 27. ooopta. Thc only casc in Sallnst of this constrnction» 
Elsewhereheuses'coepi'with thcinfinitrfcof the present passbe, not 
only whcre it has a nuddlesignification, as 41. 10, 'oriri capit,* 0799. I 9 
bnt in a purdy passtve sense, as Cat 51. 40. 

8 S 



V 



r 
•I 



I 



I 



260 JUGURTHJNB WAR. 

L 7. O. Kammlqj . . . tnfestn* potentiae. He mnst have after- 
wmrds changed sides or modified his opposition to the oligarchy, for he 
was legarded in 100 b. c as a conserrathre candidate for the consalship, 
and mnrdered in a street riot by the Marian party. 

L is. lege 8empronia. Tois plebisdte of C Gracchus, passed in 
133 B. c, reqniredthe senate to determine the consolar provinces before 
the election of theconsnls who were to administer them. The object 
was doabdess to prerent corrapt inHaence being employed to secare 
lacrathre appointmenta. 

L 14. P. Scipio Sasioa. This was the son of the P. Scipio 
Kasica who took a prominent part in the morderoos attack on Tib. 
Gracchoa. Cioero speaks of him as an orator of rare eloqaence 
and wit, thoogh seldom speaking (Brnt. 34. 1 a8). 

Ii. Bestia, of the Calpnrnian ' gens/ thc grandfather of the tribnne 
L. Bestia named by Sallast among the accomplices of Catiline (cf. Cat 
*7- 3 » 43* *)• ** tribone ia 191 B. C he earned the gratitnde of the 
oligarchy by helping to bring back from erile P. Popillios, who had 
dealt so harshly with the partisans of Tib. Gracchns, 

L 15« obrealt. This term is more appropriate for the 'sortitio,* 
which was freqnentiy lesorted to, than for the amicable arrangement 
('eomparanV) by whkii the consnls might agreeto diyide the 
- prorinces. 

L 16. porteretnr. Sallnst often has this word in nnosnal applica- 
tfons; dCat.6.5. 
L si. e. 28. praeoipik Commonly nsed with 'nt,' as Cat 41. 5; 
\ only here withont. 

L 33. adrentabant. The ftequentatrve which Sallost prefers seems 
! here less appropriate. 

L 33. legatos Ingnrthae reolpi moenibos. Foreign ambassadors 

wefenotcommonlyaUowedin theheartofRome. Ifthesenatedecided 

to hear them it met in the temple of Bellona, near the ' rilla pnblica,' in 

* which they were lodged on the Campos Martius, or in that of ApoUo, 

which was also technically * extra urbem.' 

L 24. in diebns, m the sense of 'intra/ as 96. 1 ; bat 38. 10, the 
prep. Is omitted in like case. C£ a similar treatment; Lfcry, 37. i, 'legati 
| Aetoli dimissi arbe eodem die, Italia intra qnmdfcim dies excedcrc iussL* 

i L sy. legat aibt Appoints as lientenants ('legati*) to himself. 

) So Cic ad Att 15. n, 'DolabeUa me sifai legavit' The 'legati* 

I were senators appomted by the senate, after being proposed by the pre- 

j sidmg magistrate, bot nominated commonly by the prorindal govemor „ 

under whom thcy were to serre, and in varying nnmbers according 
tothcsiseof the province, or importanoe of thcbduties, Intheearly 
empimaAohkgionwMentrattedtoa^Iegatns.' 



J/OTES. CBAPS. »7-30. *6l 

1. 33. praepedlebet» unusual for 'impedire,' 

F. Ul, L a. inde StafHam. Common usage would lead us to 
espect a prep. before a large island ot region, but Qcero omits h with 
'Sardiniam ' (L. Man. u. 34). 

L 6. 0. 89. adxniniatrebat. Sc Calpomins. The term is an appro- 
priate one for the doties of a general ; c£ Caesar, BelL Qt. i. 15» 3, 
'beUum administrare.' 

L 9. coc faotione eiue, Ci theepithet 'fiu^cans' ofScanrns, 15.3. 
Tbe cliqnes among the governing families constituted a spedal sign of 
the times. It was not a system of goTemment bj partv with definit» 
principles and marked lines of division, bnt a series of penonal 
struggles among petty coteries which nnited at times to oppose new 
aspirants. 

L 13. redimebet, 'tried to procure bvhisbribes;' forthetense, ct 
the nse of 'leniebant,' 97. 1. 

L 17. fldei oausa. C£, 85. so. 

1. 18. Vagam. For description, c£ note on 47. 1. Many of the 
MSS. have • Vaccam,' bat the inscriptions proTe tfaat the right form is 
•Vaga' (Corpns Inscr. Lat 8, p. 154). 
speoise, 'doak;' c£ Cat 38. 9. 

L 19. deditionls mora» 'a tnce was obserred while thej delayed 
settling the terms of snrrender.' 

L si. oonsiUo, the conncil of war, which commonly consisted of the 
legati, tribunes, and chief centurions. Old Roman nsage required the 
advice of a conndl for the 'paterfiunilias' in graTe domestic questions, for 
the judge in the conrt of law, for the gOTemor of a province, as well as 
for the general in the field. Li theory too the tenate was the advising 
council of the consnls. 

L 33. qnaai per eeturem, 'disorderly,' as if the qoestion were not 
regularly discussed oc voted 00. For the nse of the term 'satura/ 
c£ Fesius, 'satnra est dbi genus ex variis rebns conditnm et lex mnltis 
aliis rebus conferta. Itaqne in sanctione legum adscribitur : neve per 
saturam abrogato aut derogato.' 

L sj. pro oonailio, 'as the resolntion of the coundV or 'm the 
name o£' C£ Livy, 4. ac\ 6, * tribuni . . . secedunt proqne coUegio 
pronnndant* 

L 27. ad magiatratas rogandos, 'to hold the dections;' c£ A. 
GdL 13. 15» 4, ' Praetor neque praetorem neque eonsulem iure rogare 
potesc 

L 31. o. 80. patrea soUioitL Apart from the mterests of parosans 
there were reasons for hesitatioa. There was danger both from the 
Cimbri and Thradans at this nme, and Jugurtha might be a convenient 
aUy, bnt a trovblesome enemy. On the other hend, the sefcty of tfae 



V 



262 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

frootier teemed to require the partition of Numidia, and though it it not 
expretaly itated by SaUutt, the tnbmiteion of Jngnrtha mntt hare 
been conditional on the lecognition of hia claimt. 

L 33. parum oonttabat, 'they were nndeddedV 

P. 112, L a. libertate ingeni, 'independence of charaeter.' 

L 3. inter dnbitationem. C£ Cat 43. 3, 'inter haec parata atque 
oecreia. 

L 4. vindicandum, 'paniah.' So uted abaolutely, Cic Verr. 1. 3a t 
81, «niti vot Tmdicatii.' 

L 9. faoundia. Yet cf. Cic Brnt 36. 136» • C et L. Memmii foerunt 
oratoret mediocret, accntatoret acret atqne acerbL* 
• L 10. perecribere. Not literally meant, for no andent hietorian 
1 would intert the exact wordt of a tpeaker, bnt wonld prefer to exprett 
j : the thonghtt in a rhetorical form of hit ewn. 

1 1. 13. 0. 81. dehortantur a ▼obia, L e. ' from addretting you.' Thit 

teemt copied from Cato't tpeech 'de Lntitanit* (Jordan, p. 37. 1) ' mnlta 
me dehoitata tunt hnc prodire, anni, aetaa, tox, Tiret, tenectnt,' 

L 15. iut nullum, 'the abeence of jnttice;' ct Iivy, ai. 4, 9, 
' nuUot deum metut, nnllnm intinrandnm.' 

L 16. quindeeJm. The MSS. Tarioutly give ao, 15, ia, io. The 
period meant it probably that which began with the death of Tiberiut 
;i Gracchut 132 B.O, or pottibly thatof hit brother Caiut in iai. None 

of the numbert would exactly corretpond to the interraL 

L 17. foede. They were murdeied like theep with hardly an effort at 



• 



1 
I 



. • 






» ' 



! i 



L 18. inultL The only dne who had tnffered fbr thit murderout 
▼iolence wat P. PopiUiut Laenaa, the contul of 131, and he wat formally 
recalled from exile in ito. L. Opimiut wat protecnted indeed in the 
tame year, but hit acqnittal wat a i bregone conclotion, and there teemt 
little loundation for the ttoriei that Sdpio Natica and P. Lentnlut 
accepted an honorary embatty to etcape the Tengeance of the people 
(c£ Ihne 5. 7). 

L 19. obnoxiie, 'detected in their guUt' 

L 13. a parente meo. The mterral of opprettion it lepreaented at 
only one generation. 

Lt4.obx«m. Like'inrem'ofCat ao. 1. 

L 16. armatL The ttmggle between the two ordert it» however, 
rescetented by the tnnalittt at purely eonttitutional, with Uttle appeal 
to violence or bloodthed* 

L 17. teoeetione. C£ note on Cat 33. 3. 

L »8. reemnni perare. Tnit wat the ommout cry to often repcated 
in the cate of early reformert like Sp. Caatiut, M. Manliut CapitoUaua. 

L ao» quaettioate. Aa extrairamary tribunal wat tet np to call 



1 • 



NOTBS. CHAPS. 30,31. 163 

to eccount the members of the mllen party u guttty of treason, 
and P. Sdpio Nasica, the leader of the oligarcbe, was himaelf e judge, 
bnt the victims were men of little note, like the Greek teachen and 
fiienda of Tib. GfBcehva. 

1. 33. perutto. Very rare for * comparatio.' 
cn* reetitnero. Theobjectsof the popeler leaders had been little 
ahort of e rerolution, aa it waa to aweep eway enurely the aactndancy 
of the senate, and to make the omnmons ebsolute in mct, aa they had 
been before in name. 

P. 118, L 1. nequitur. An arehaic paatiTe ibnnd in Cato, Plantna, 
and Lucretiua, bnt afterwarda obseJete. 

1. a. aorerinm «zpilarL The peailationa of the magistrates had 
been commonly et the expense of the subject-races rather than that 
of the Treasury, though they had their chances and donbtieas nsed them 
mdealingwith theplnnderof war. To take one caae only, the gotero- 
ment in 168 B.c. ga*e np the working of the mines in Macedonie 
becanse the diahonesty waa ao great among the 'publicani.' 

1. 8. inoedunt por ore» C£ Hor. S. s. 1, 64, 'nitidus qna quisque 
per ora J cederet. 

eaoerdotin et oonsuUtus. Tadtna aeems to copy thia, Hist. 1. 
s, 7, • sacerdotia et consnlatns nt spolia adeptL' The lay and priestly 
offices conld be held by the same hands and were indeed often 
combinecL 

L 10. nere paratL Cf. Hor. S. s. 3, iso, 'servosque tnos qnos aere 
pararie.' Bronse was now nsed only for petty caah paymenta, and eiher 
waa the regnlar currency, bnt the old naage prevailed in langoage, 
and it is perhaps fantifni to aee anything contemptnons in thc 

L 16. tribunoe plebie, who were 'sacrosanct,' or to be screened 
by special sanctiona rrom peisonal outrege ; yet both the Gracchi were V 
mnrdered in the streets. 

L si. eadem metoere. Dietach wonld omit thia aa snrplnssge. 

1. s$. dominntionem. Alwaya in Sallnst of unlnwrol power; ct 
Cat 5. 6. 

1. S5. beninoie* the offioes conferred by the Yotes of the people. 

L 37. bie • . ▲Tentiniun. According to Lrvy the scene of the first 
secession waa the Mona Sacer; c£ s. 32, 3. 

L so> ntgne, aa naed by flautns after e qnestion to strengtbea aa 
affirmation. *certainly and the more,' etc, Cf. Drager, s. 46. 

L 30. dioet aliqnia. Kortte compares the ri eSr; eV ru cfwei of 
Demosth.; e£ also Plm. Ep. 3. 9, si. 

P. 114, L 1. dedltiaiua, The technical term ibr any one of the 
peoples who had Jbrmally snrrendercd to Romc('in deditionem 



.*• 



f 



264 JUGURTHWB WAR. 

rant/ c£ Lhry, 7. 31, 3), and so used of adistinct category of the subjects» 
as distinct from the allies who had Joined nnder tenns of a treaty 
(' Jbederati populi*). I* arterwards became a legal term for the freed- 
man who had been branded or Jettered while still a slave; ct Gaius, 
Inst 1. 4. 13. 

L 6. ill* quam haeo. The contrast lies between the recent period 
of opprearion and the chance which is now presented of pnnishing the 
guilty rulers. 

L 1 3. riro flagitiooisaninmn Heathen morality seldom rose above 
this level, or prised the graces of hnmility and forgivencss. 

L 16. importunitatia, 'insolence.' 

L ai. aooiii . . Teluti hoetibiis. Yet thepopularleadendid littfe to 
protect the prorincials, who wereplundered alike by both parties at Rome. 

L 35. exeptao peouniae. Oftenoes of this kind committed by offidals 
fcU nnder the 'crimcn repetnndannn,' and were prorided for by the 
Sc mp ro n ian and Adlian laws, thongh justiee was not always to be had 
in the jury courts. 

L 32. malitia . • perperam quam reote feoiaee. Memmins wams 
them against snpposing that he is so glad of the chance of vengeanee as 
to rejoice at the gnflt of his enemies. 

P. 115, L 5. 0. 82. in . . dioendo. Jordan proposes to fill np the 
gap with 'contione.' The best MSS. have "• mdicendo,' which cannot 
beright 

L 6. Ii. Oaaaioa Longinnt was consnl with Marius in 107 B.C, and 
was deieated and slain in the country of the Allobroges by the allies of 
the Cimbric invaders. 

L 7. lnterpoeit*. C£ Caesar, BelL GalL 5. 6, 6, 'fidem reltquisinter- 



flde publiou, C£ Cat 47. 1. 

L 9. peonniae oaptae. C£ Tac Ann. 3. 67, s, 'captarum pecuni- 
arum teneri reum.' The construction of Terbs like 'damnare,' 'arguere,' 
'msimulare,' 'arcessere,' may be explained by the ellipse of 'criminc,* 
or as a causal genitive. 

daliota p a to flo r ciit. That a sorereign prince should be invited 
to Rome to give eridence against those whomhe had bribed is absurdly 
improbable. As Hme suggests, he probably came to negotiate for thc 
aanction of the govemment to the terma agreed upon by Bestia, 

L is. flagitioeiacnm» faoinotm fltoeve. For the alliteration, ct 
not» on Cat 7. 6. 

L 15. perlate rogatione. C£ 40. 1. It was carried through the 
comitia without the sanction of the senate, as by tbe GracchL 

L 18, m . • dortiosot, 'sunendered,* though by a hoUow com- 



NOTBS. CHAPS. 31-35. 165 



L »4. o. 33. oontanatua ab omnibua. Hn aecomplices were 
aaturally afraid that he might be mduced to disciose thcir aames, great 
as waa his resolutioa (' magaa vis aaimi "). 

1. 37. iniurUa, A etroag term ibr the occasion, due to the contrast 
ofius.' 

L 19. aperiret. Freqnently nsed by Sellust, thoogh less properiy 
with 'socios' than with •consUhun,' as Cat sa. a. 

L 30. more maiorum. Cf. note on Cat $a. 36. 

L 33. produoto. The technieal term in the caae of any one brought 
by a magistmte 'in p ro sp ec tum pqpnli Romani' (d Cic m Verr. i. 47, 
iss), or called npon to speak in pnblic ('in contionem*). 

P. 116, L 1. NumidUe. In the same constraction aa 'Romae' by 
a sort of attraction, like that of 'Siciliam' in a8. 6. 

L 6. oonrnptomm. Uaed by sengma both of 'spes' aad 'se/ thongh 
inappropriate of the Utter. 

L 9. o. 84. rogem taoere iubet The coercive power of the tribnnes 
waa more commonly directed against officials, whom they conld prevent 
from addressing the people, as in the case of Cicero when he wasrcsiga» 
ing his consulship (c£ Ad Fam. 5. a, 7). It was a natnral exteasioa of 
the power to silence privmte persons; ct Plin. Ep. 1. »3, "tribnnnm qui 
iubere posset tacere qnemcnnqne.' 

L 19. quae ira flori amat. Possibly this passage was in QnintiUan'a 
auad, though vaguely, when he wrote (9. 3, 17) 'Graeca ▼ero traasUta 
vel Sallustii plurima, qnale est Tulgus amat fieri.' Earlier editors went 
so Jar aa to explain that 'quae' waa a plural nom. with 'amat' in the 
aing. after a Greek idiom. In any case 'amat'Uusedlikef*ff. 

▼ieit . . inpudentU. We ahonld expect to read that Baebtus was 
proaecuted for tnia conductafterheceaaedto be tribune if hiscorruption 
was so notorious. There were maay ready to impeach him, aad officUU 
were often thus called to account 

L sa. c. 85. invidU onm metu urgeat, 'dialike aad dread alike pre- 
judiced the canse of Jugurtha.' The sing. 'urgeat' is aa ezceptJoa 
to the common usage of Sallust in like cases; ct note on Cat 43. 1. 

1. S4. movere quain aenoaoere omnia, In this awkward passage 
there is not only a chaage from aa active to a neuter ▼erb, bnt 'omaU* 
has to do double eervice as aa object to 'movere' aad a sabject to 
' s cacsccr c. ' The paasage ia 14. 16 fquae aut amiai aut ex aeoessariia 
advorsa tacta sunf) presents the aearest paralleL The 'moveri.' of 
aome MSS. aad editora is evkUatly aa attempt to make the worda 



F.U7,Ls. oz eo..qui..erant f Qui' is ia the pluraLae •« 
co anmero' ataada for 'cx eomm oumero/ c£ 38. 6. 
L a. tiwlioiTim profltotnr. Iike our « taras kiDg*t eridence,* so used 



^ 



s66 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

by later writen; et Tac Ann. 6. 3, 5, 'wmmnm snpplidum deceme- 
batnr, ni piofessus indichim foret.' 

L 5. flt rena. Theactnal mnrderer was probably dealt with sommarily 
by the magistrate. Bomilcar, ai in tbe train of a fbreign prince, wai 
not strictry amenable to the Roman conrts. 
. L 7. mannfeatne . • eoeleris. Cf. Cat. 5S. 36. 

L 10. in priore eotione, 'the first stage of the triaV when the 
accnsed was admitted to beU, between the 'nominis delatio* and the 
'iaterrogatio.' 

L is. metna • • parendL A rtrj nnnsnal constrnction, which is 
Jbund, however, in Iivy, si. 35» 3, 'insuetis adenndi proptus metns 



L 19. e. 86. matnrat . . portare. C£ Cat 36. 3. 

L ao. ante oomltla» ' beforc the ekctions.* Thongh the comitia met 
Ibr other basbessj the fieqnently lecnrrmg electfons rarnished the com- 
monest assodations of the wordV 

L «7. properanti». A ray rare word, nsed once by Tadtns, Ann. 
IJ. so, s. 

L 30. pro praetore, Le. as 'legatns pro praetore/ bnt not in the 
technical sense which the phrase commonly has. 

L 33. o. 87. oontlnnare magiatratam. It was a common practice 
ia early times for the tribnnes to hold office in succesttVe years, the whole 
board being sometimes re-elected when a popnlar measnre was to be 
carried. It ceases, however, after the Iictnian bills of 367 B.c, when 
it may hare been prohibited by law, and it was certainly regarded as 
nnconstittttional in the case. of Tib. Gracchns. Attempts to repeal or 
to evade the restriction were made by Carbo and C. Gracchus, bnt not 
whh permancnt snccess. The agitation referred to in the text was 
either to change the law or to ignore it; cC Mommsen, Staatsrecht 

I "• 4*7- 

! F. 218, L 1. oomitia impodiebet. Probably the ambitions tribnnes 

1 whose re-election was resisted revenged themserves by chrckfag by their 

| own ▼eto the conrse of pnblic bnsinem and the consnlar elections. It 

was m this way that the anthors of the Udnian bills of 367 B.C. had 

j compdled attention to their demanda. 

L 4. menae Iannario, of 109 BX* which opened withoot any elected 



L 6. BnthnL This place cannot be eertainly identified. The deserip- 
tion does not snit the siteof Guelma,the Calamaof Orosins (cf. note on 
\ 38. s% but bas been thought to oorre sp on d with thatof a village atan 



L 8. ba • . montia exsvemo. ClCat.5s.11; Jug.48. 3; 90. x. 
L 13. 0. 88. vastaaa. , G£ note on Cat 13. 1. 



NOTBS. CHAPS. 35-38. 367 

L 14. miatitaro. A toy nnnsaai freqoent, Jbund also in Lhry, 9. 

45*3* 
L 17. rtlioto Bathnlo. SaUntt givet no rarther indicatioD of the 

accne of the disgraceral rarrender of the Romans. Orotiat (5. 15) maket 

it Cakma, abont fifty milea eaat of Cirta, ia a district wherc many 

Roman inscriptions have been foaad. 

1. 18. ooonltion iuaro. To raise the siege withont apparent leasoa 
— like that of the pnisnit of the enemy— wonld ha*e teemed snspicions. 
Some MSS. hare 'fore,' as if the thonghts of Anlnt were described. 
Dietsch and others regard the paatege as a glott, and the MS. readmgs 
are certainly tnspicious. 

U. »8-30. oofiore un* . . oom . . tnum&afo. For the ptnral conttr. 
cf. note on Cat 43. 1. 

1. so. Idgnram. CC note on 93. t. 
tarmie. C£ note on 49. s. 

L 30. oentario priml pili, Le. the first centnrioo of the « triarii,' who 
thongh now armed with the ' hasta,' not the ' pUum,' are ttill named from 
itandcalled^ptlanVandeaohoftheirtanianipleiita 'pUns.' Itseemt 
probabie that the centnrion of the fiitt company wat called at fiitt 
'ceuturio primnm pilannm' (old gea. plur.), and that 'pUnm' wat in 
time tnbstitnted, at we may tpeak of 'the Rifles' for 'Rinemen.' At 
the archaic gen. plnr. dropped ont of nte, 'primi pQi' might be nsed 
in a coUective tense. It wonld be a farther step to nse 'pUnt' for 
'manipnltts,' and 'primot pUot ducere' Ibr 'centnrio primi ordmit;* 
cf. Corssen, i s 530. 

tertlae legtania. The iegiont were nnmbered only to distingnish 
them in the campaign in which they senred and aiter which they were 
diabanded. In the time of Caesar aU the forcet of the state were 
regnlarly numbered. Under the Emptre each legion bore for aget a 
dittmctive name derhred either from a coontry r or a race, or tpedal 
serrices, or other canset. 

L 31. loonm . . introeundl dtdii. Thit treachery seems improbable 
on the pert of a Roman toldier, and was perhapt infented to ezplaia 
the ditgraceral ront 

P. 110, 1. 3. t*metei . . tamen, It it remarkable that thete wordt 
occnr in thit connexion frequently ia the Catiline, and np to thie 
poiat, bnt not afterwarda, in thit treatise, aor at aU in the hiitofitt. 
Wdln^thinkvthemooeofweom 
aToided. 

L 6. eub tognm miaturum. The fiuniliar lymboi of tnrrender ia 
old Roman warfiue. CXLify, 3. a8, 11, 'tribttthattbiugamfit hami 
fudt dttabttt snperque eas trantfersn ttna deligata. Snb hoc iago 
dictatoff Aeqnot misit' The most celebrated example it the Romaa 



\ 



968 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

diagrace at the Caudine Forka, but the enrrender of Mandnue at 
Numantia was then freeh in Roman memory. That precedeni ahonld 
have ahown Jngurtha that the government wonld certainly diaown the 
terma of any compact made in tike caae by ita generaL 

L 8. mntaba&tur, • were exchanged for/ 'accepted in lien of/ Thia 
ghrea a potaible eenee, thongh the langnage aeema harsh. There is 
nncertainty aa to the readinga of the MSS* which have 'mutabent* 
and 'minitabantnr;* Jordan propoaea 'nutabant,' after Tac HisL 
s. 76, i, 'his paToribna nntantem . . • 6rmabant;' and this cor- 
recrJon had already appeared in the Eizevir of 1634. Two critica 
independently auggeat ' metiebantur,' aa Cat. 31. a, ' euo quiaque metn 
pericula metiii' Dietach prefera 'mortia metum intuebantur/ bnt thia 
is improbable. Win, ' mortia metu aestumabantur.' 

L 17. e. 88. enpplementum coribere. It ia understood, aaamatter of 

couree, that thia waa done with the aanction of the senate, which decided 

each year what new legions should be raised, or old ones recmitecL 

* CX Livy, 43. 10, is, 'postnlantibns (consulibns) nt novoa exerdtns 

scribere ant snpplementnm veteribus liceret, ntmmqne negatnm est' 

nomino Laslno. The Latin towns were the earliest allies of 
Rome, and the leagne had lasted on for centuries. The statns of the 
mhabitanta had therefore been the nearest to that of Roman dtizena. 
Most of them indeed had gradually recdved the Roman franchiee, bnt 
their place was taken by the colonieta of the so-called Latin coionies, 
Cl oote on 84. s. 
L 19. par fuerat, Le.it had seemed right and fair from the first. 
nnllnxn . . foedns fiexi, 'no contract could be binding.' In the 
like cases of Sp. Poatumins at theCandine Forks in the Second Samnite 
War, and of Mandnus at Numantia, the generala were handed over to 
the enemy when the treatics were disowned by the state. We are not 
told why A. Albians was not aurrendered to Jugurtha. 

L 30. oonanL Albmns had ceased to be consnl at the beginning of 
109, bnt aa no one had been elected in hia place he may have hoped to 
| letam command in Numidia, and this he did till the aummer. 

inpeditoa a trfbunis. Why, we are not told. They may have 
1 miatruated hia honesty or skill, or mcrely cairied ont their policy of 

! bloddng all public busincea. 

L «8- Hnmidia doduotun. The abL withont a prep. is rare in this 



Lati. exoopUrernni^^fromthemeansathiac^poaaL' (X98.3. 

L a8. o. 40. promnlgat fcr 'promukat,' like 'remnlcat/ and fonned 

from a verb *mel]ere 9 -jMA*ir, which has left traces in the obsolete 

l worda 'lasnaliflaL 9 'remelix.' mentioned bv ffnaunariana fCoraaan. 



NOTBS. CHAPS. 38-4 1. 169 

L 39. uti qua«r«retur. The esjsting laws elready provided for 
proaecution in such cases of official guilt, but the penalties were too 
mild to satisfy the popular leadert, who legarded the crimes aa trea- 
sonous, to be dealt with as a capital offence. Alao the evidence 
procurable was probably not enough for an ordinarjr court, and the 
delaye camed by its fennalities too great 

L 30. noglogiseot. CC note on Cat 51. 94. 

P. 120, L 3. aooioa Italiooe. Probably appeal was made to the 
interests of capitalists and traden in the Italian towns, who were likely 
to suffer from war in Numidia, where^they were spreading their bnsiness 
relations. 

inpedimenta. They had no direct power over the votes of the 
comitia, bnt the wealthy conld nse their wealth and mnucncc, and 
others conld block the access of the voters and distnrb the assembly by 
streetriots. 

L 5. magls odio nobUitatie. There is reason to believe that ad- 
Tantage wms taken of the blnnden of the oligarchy to pnsh matters to 
extremes, and that Jngnrtha was a victim to the strength of party 
paasion. 

L io. trea q ua esi t o roe. This probably means that three conrts 
were to «t, each with its president thus provided, to deal more ex- 
peditionsly with the aocnsed. The jury— called by Cicero in this case 
• Gracchani iudices'— was drawn by the forms of the AcUian law. C£ 
Zumpt, Criminalrecht s. 1, 1*5. 

L 11. aapere ▼iolenterque. Ct Cic Brut 34. ia8» 'invidiosa lege 
Mamilia quaestione C. Galbam sacerdotem et qnattnor coneulares, L. 
Bestiam, C. Catonem, Sp. Albinnm dvemquc praestantissimiim L. Opi- 
mium, Gracchi interiectorem— Gracchani indices snstnlerunt' Part of 
the speech which Galba made in hia defence was in the time of Ckero 
one of the ' elegant extracts ' which schoolboya leamed by heart 

1. 1 a. ex rumore, Le. on snspicion or heanay evidence. 

L 14. 0. 41. mos paittam, popnlarium et factionum, ' the aystem 
of democratic and oligarchic factione.' Dietsch wonld omit ' popn- 
larium' as well as the ' senati' of some MSS. as a needless giosa, bnt 
the passage wonld be abrnpt withont it 

L 16. quae prima. The constmction here is not the same aa in 
Cat 36. 4, ' otinm atqne divitiae qnae prima mortalea pntant,' where the 
general rnle applies that a relative which refers to two snbstantrfes of 
difterent gender ia put in the nent plnraL Bntinthe test 'qnaeprima* 
refers to the sense, though not to the actnal gender of ' earnm rerun' 
bjr cmutructi* ad stnsum* 

L 17. ante Oarthagiiiem dsietam. Sallnst says elaewhere that the 
period between the two Punic Wats was that of thc greateat harmony 



\ 



/; 






I ! 



370 l JUGURTHINE WAR. 



(* maiuma concordia *). There was hardly any popular party, and no 
distinct prindples at issue. Snch qnairels as we hear of were personal 
ralher than party qncstions. As to thedecline afterwards, c£ VelL Paterc 
2. i, i, • potentiae Romanomm prior Scipio viam aperaerat, luxuriae 
posterior apemit; qnippe remoto Carthaginis metn sublataque imperi 
aemnla non gradu sed praedpiti cnrsn a virtute desdtum.' 

L 17. popnlua et eenatue Bomanna. This inyernon of the nsnal 
order of the formnla is found sereral times in Utt as well as in the 
Monnmentnm Ancyranum, bnt with this difterence, that here the words 
are nsed disjunctiTely/and not as a compendions phrase for the mling 
powers. Cf. note on 9. a. 

1. aow metna hostflla. Used as here Jbr ' the fear of the enemies/ 
105. 5, and Tac Ann. is. 51, a. 
1. 24. ooepere, Le. both • nobilitas ' and ' populus.' 
L »6. abetraota. We might rather expect 'distracta,' as Liry, a. 57, 
I 3, "distractam laceratamqne rempnblicam.' 

\" L 27. qnae medla ruerat, dilaoerat*. Imitated from Thnc. 3. 8a, 

19, rd 3) fUca rfir «eAirwr sV AfQvriptm . . . b*+$itpom. 

L aB. nobllitaa faotion e magis pollebat, Le. the oligarchy was 
more strongry organixed. 

L 31. gjtartae. Attracted to the plnral by the words of the context; 
it occnrs also Tac. Ann. 3. 45, 4. Bemays snggests 'lanreae' (or 
• loreae 9 ) as prderable, bemg a concrete term like the others. Bergk 
proposes 'adoriae/ as Festns says ' adoriam landem shre gloriam 
dicebant' 

popnlua militia atque inopia. The Italian population never 
recoTere d from the ceaieleis drain of the long wars and the distant 
campaigns while the conqnest of the world was going forward. The 
loss of prodnctJTC indnstry meantime was also enormous. Comparethe 
effect on France of the Napoleonic wars. 

P.12L,Li. eedfbne pellebantur. CLHcr.Cana. a. 18, 33, 'Quid 
qnodusque prosimos | rerellis agri terminos et nltra | limites clientium | 
| salis arams? pelliturpatemos | in sinu ferens deos | et uxor et Tir sordi- * 

dosqne natos.' Iike complaints are made early in Roman stosy of the A*w* 
i greedy Tk>lence of the rich, who grasped by fbrce or by chicanery at the s 

| landac€theirpoorerneighbour%andejected the yeomen to xnakc room 

Ux thdr 'latirandia.' Far more were gradnally bought out by the slow 
j action of mortgages and economic causes. 

I L 3. sihil penaL C£ note on Cat 5. 6. 

i L 4. ax nobUltato. The chsmpiont of the onmmons came from the 

ranks of the nobility. No 'newman'eyer came Ibrwardwith a ser- 



L 7. e.41. Tfberins et O. Oraoehua, An exception to the general 



MOTBS. CffAK. 41, 43. 271 

rule, which would require 'Gfacchi,* *s CaL 17. £ 'Pubttns etServins 
SuUae.' 

quorum inaloree. Their grandJather was the P. Scipio AJricuras 
of the Pmiic War; their mther Tib. Sempronius Graochus had serred 
with distinction in Spaia and Sardinia, ss other memben of the famiiy 
had done in the Second Ponie Wsr. 

1. 9. p«uoorum soeiera. Tib. Grsochns hsd exposed the selnsh 
greed of the mling class, which. hsd ignored the timitations of the 
Lidnisn laws, snd monopolixed in their Tast estates the state domains. 
Cains denonnced the miscarriages of Jnstke in the corrnpt senatoriaa 
courts, before which titled ofienders were bronght in Tain for triaL He 
brought forward startling examples of the abnses of omcial power in 
Italian towns, where Roman magistintes set at nonght the rights of the 
ailies, for whose admission to the franchise he wns plfading (A. GelL 
10. 3, s). And to avenge the mnrder of his brother he re-enacted the 
old principle of dvic liberty, by which an official might.be bronght to 
jnstioe who had inflicted capital punishment npon a Roman dtisen 
withont the ssnction of the commons. 

L 10. modo . • mterdum. This seqtience, which occnrs also 55. 8 ; 
6a. 9; 74. i, is raiely fonnd elsewnere, thongh in Horace, Sat 1. £ 9, 
•ire modo odus, interdnm consistere.' 

L 11. pev soo&oe. The mling classes in the allied commnnities of 
Itsly had appropriated the domain-landa, like the Roman nobles, and 
they too protested sgsinst the distnrbance of thdr title and the hard- 
ship of enfbrdng obsolete restrictions. 

L ia. spos sooletatls. The hope of shsring the msterial adtnntages 
of gorernment in the proyinces ss well ss opportnnities of spccnlation. 
It is not clear, however, to what special motives Ssilnst is referring. 
The 'eqnites' hsd been so mnch strengthened as a moneyed aristocracy 
by the measnres of C. Gracchns, who secnred them the exdusive in- 
flnence m the jnry conrt and in the mansgement of the revcnues of Asis, 
that the senatorian mlers had little in comparison to ofler. Theyreally 
weakened chiefly his popularity by ontdoing his colonia' proposals, and 
workmg on Roman jealousy against the Ifalians, for whom eqnaiity wss 
claimcd. 

L 14. triumvirum cotonHa deduoundia. When a bill had passed 
the commons for the fonnding of a colony commissioners were chosen, 
generally three, thongh sometimes more in number, and invested with 
'imperium' to divide the prescribed amoont of 'sger pubficus' smong 
the settters, They led them to the spot in militsry order, snd marked 
the lines of the future walls, whfle thc surveyors (' sgrimensores') de- 
faedthelimitsofthe several holdings. The conimissoners were com* 
monly of high rank, and were the patrons of the colony ia question. 



S 



I 

I • 



t 



( 



*7i JUGURTHINB WAR. 

L 16. hand eatia modoratna. It was harsh and impolitic to en- 
ibrce, nader totally different conditions, the limitations of landed tennre 
which had heen ohsolete for aoo years. It was almost a revolntion to 
displace the senate as the directing power in the state, and to appeal 
only to an inorganic moh of Toters in the oomitia, Bnt it was riolently 
unconstitutional to depose a t-ibune from hia office, and to insist, as 
hoth hrothers did, on their re-election. 

L 17. bono, dat, 'a good man,' not to he taken with • more.' 

L 18. igitur resnmes the narrative after the shott digression. 

L so. tbnoris, L e. the fear of rengeance. 
qnao ros plerumqua. Sallnst may possibly he thinking here, as 
has been suggested, of Thuc. 3. 8a, 17, thongh the general thought only 



L si. alteri alteroa . . . rolunt. Snggested prohahly by Thnc. 3. 8a, 
17, snrri rp&w^ 6rfm(6fuwm dMj^kam wtpiyiyrietou . . . rdf rtpvptat frt 
/ulfan . . . wpartSimt. 

L S3. omnis, * in general.' 

L a6. o. 48. ibedua . . . foedam rhgam. ' The play npon the words 
is hcre mtended to emphasiie the disgrace of the terms of snrrender. 

L S7. Q. MoteHna, tbongh elected at a time of reaction, was a 
resolvte aristocrat, who braved the ▼engeance of the popolar perty and 
the exile threatened in the law of Satnrninns. The family was one of 
the most distingnished of the plebeian nobility; cf. VelL Paterc a. 
is, 1. 

deaignatL Mommsen obserres that this mnst be an orersight of 
the writer, or a corrnpt reading for 'de senatns sentcntia,' as it appears 
iirom 37. s that the consnls were not elected till after the beginning of 
thdr year (Staatsrecht 1. 487, note a). Metellns did not arrire in 
Nnmidia till the snmmer of 109 ; c£ 44. 3. 

L a8. partirerant. This actire form is Jbvnd in okter writers and 
m Tac Ann. ia. 30, 4. 

pjiamgnain, This nse of 'quamquam' withont a rerb belongs 
rather to writers of the sihrer age, as Jurenal 4. 79 ; Plmy, Ep. 1, "» 3« 
CX Madrig on Oc Fin. 5. 33, 68. 

L se> adrorso. Used like a snbstantlfe with a gen. after the ana- 
logy of * contrarius/ • mhnicns,' • sdrofsarius.' 

fhma...snriolat*. His stainless character is illnstmted by the 
story reported by Cioero (ad Att 1. in, n\ that when he was prose- 
cutcdonachergcofpec nl a tio othcjnrydecm^ 
which were produced in court 

L 30. ali* omnia afbi onm oonlogo, 'that he shared with hia 
co&eague all the other busmess,' L e. that he had only a drrided respoa- 
sibilityathereft,botcouUdVotehta 



NOTES. CHAPS. 42-44. 173 

P. 128» L i. sjfktfm. Simply annexed to ' conmeatum,' Uke 'mala 
abunde,' Cat ai. 1, and Jug. lot. 7. 

1. 4. rtgN. There were many prinoet left by Rome iii nominal 
independence on her frontiers, and they were used to extend her inflnence 
without the nse of arms. They were convenient aUies, flattered and 
eoereed by turns, and gradnally stripped of all real power before the 
time for annexation came. 

L 8. adToranm dlritiaa. CC Thuc a. 60, 5, *«A*V*Xfr n mt ' 

InTiotom. Uted in the tense -t>f a Terbal adj, like 'mfectum,' 
76. 1 ; * incorrupttuv* a. 3; 'coerdtum,' 91. 7. 

1. 1 a. e. 44. inen inbellis. We hear a like story of the licence and 
disorder in the Roman legions in Macedonia, and before the walls of 
Carthage and Numantia, where Panlus Aemilins and Sdpio had to take 
like measnres to porge the camp and tighten the bonds of disdpline. 
It shonld be bome in mind that there was as yet no standmg army 9 bnt 
that the legions were enroUed for special senrice, that omcers and men 
had before the actnal campaign no personal knowledge of each other, 
and the legions no distinct traditions and no tsprit dt c*rfs 9 wbile 
▼olunteers were often attracted to the wars by the hope of plunder, or 
had wearied of the monotony of country life, and needed a firm hand to 
rule them. The generals were often quite incompetent, recatted before 
they learned their work, hampered by political connexions, relaxing the 
rules of disdpline to discredit a snccessor, or to serfe some personal or 
party object. 

L 13. praeda>tor exeooiis. Equivalent to'praedamexsociisagens.' 
For the adjectWml use of 'praedator,' c£ that of 'cultor,' 54. 3; 'con- 
temptor,' 64. 1. The phrase itself is introduced rather for the sake of 
the rhetorical point in the contrast, than out of any pity for the sofiering 
pronndals. 

L 17. aoetivorum tompns. The time forthe campaign when the 
axmy took the field. C£ Caesar, B. G. 8. 46, i, 'superioribus aestiTis 
Galliam devictam.' 

L 18. expeotatione . . . intentos. For the constr. cf. Cat a. 9. 

L 19. malornm dieoiplina» The old traditions of Roman disdpUne 
impUed an unremittingdriU, forced marches, and much spade labour m 
the trcnches, and engn7*"*V on the roads and bridges which it was the 
wofkofthearmies to/ toct , . • • ; 

L 13. statiria. £0 . . I without • castris' by Sallwt, Uke 'aesttfa/ 
and 'hiberna,' but b£ ■ w afir^dtus. , ( ' • ^ 

odoa. Forteh >, cr^coloe^^i* 5#J . A- < ^ 

L 15. dod n oebaa t u'. qxf to their posts.*' QC CaL 5$. J^Yid fs% • 
phrase • eoloniam dedu^" -jT. < w ^ 



T 



© 



« 

» 



»74 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L 36. lixs*. The reputation of this clait is illustrated by Tadtus, 
HisL s. 87» s, 'calonum numerus amplior, procacistimii etiam inter 
serros lixarum ingeniis,' and by the derWmtions snggested by Festus, 
• dicti qnod extra ordinem sint militiae, eisqne liceat qnod libuerit,' and 
« qaidam a liguriendo quaestnnV which are eqnally improbable. 

L 30. frnmentum publioe datnm In earlier days a fixed qnantity 
of com was serred ont to the soldiers monthly, bnt the state deducted 
the Taloe of the rations. as of clothes and arms, from the pay of the 
legionaries, while snpplying them freely to the 'sodi' (Polyb. 6. 39, is). 
In the proTinces the neccssary supplies were called in by the state. bnt 
paid for at a Jair rate if the goTcmor was scrnpnlons and his agents 
honest J. Caesar appears to hare giren the rations withont stint 
(Sueton, 36), and their Talne was no longer dedncted from the pay. 

L 33. o. 45. in oa difflonltato. It was one likely to recnr in the 
Roman system of freqnently changing genertls, chosen with little refer- 
ence to thdr experience or skilL The disorder in the besieging army at 
Nnmantia is a notorions example, and the policy of Sdpio may haTe 
snggested some of the mles made by Metellns. C£ Appian, Iber. ai. 

P. 128, L a. oomperior. Here and in 108. 3, Sallnst has the old 
deponent form of this word, which is dropped by the best anthora, 
though Tadtns has it in a passage imitatcd from this ( Ann. 4. ao, 4, 
* Hvnc ego Lepidnm graTem et sapientem Timm fnisse comperior )• 

ambitionem, Le. the indulgence or relaxation of disdpline often 
resorted to to curry mtout with the dtisen-soldiers. 

L 7. oeterla arte. • Ceteris' is best understood of 'adiumenta' and 
'arte*asanadTerb, as in 85. 34. If 'ceteris' be taken as masc gend. 
and opposed to 'miles gregariot,' it will be best to take 'arte 9 as 
anabL 

L 16. e. 46. innooentia. For the spedfic meaning of incoxruptible 
honesty, c£ Cat is. 1 ; 54. 5. 

L 18. aapplioiia. For explanation of the word, cC note on Cat 9. a, 
where it refers to prayers to the gods. Here, as in 66. a f it is nsed of 
entreaties to men or the symbols of them. C£, Festus, 'supplida sunt, 
quae caduceatores portant, ea sumebantur ex Terbena £elicis arboris nec 
enim ez alio snpplicia frs erat, quam ex terbenis sumL' They were the 
Utr^pm *kto<* of the Greeks. 

L ai. rnfldnm. The dealings of Metellus himself with the enroys is 
the best comment on the Talue of tbis statement Sallast has no word 
of blame ibr the unscrupnlous meanness of theRomans. 

L 25. prooedat • • • traderent. Thts sequence of tenses is the inTer* 
of the order more usually obserred. 

L y. mapallbna C£noteoni^8. 

L ||. ■naito acmiaa, Sallust here ghet a clear aoeount of the 



NOTES. CHAPS. 44-47. *f$ 

advance in a hollow aqoare ('agmine quadrato,' 100. 1), where the army 
might he attacked 00 any tide, and there might he no time for change 
of froot, or deploying into linc It ia fiiat mentioned in the Spaniah war 
in 151 B.C. Cl ttrp iy m w br vAivifat t*> er*are> 4fpm (Appian, 

Hiap. 55). X+/ 

P. 124, L a. expeditie, Le, withont 'impedimenta.' 

I. 3. fnnditOTum ot aa«iUariomnv Theae were not inclnded 
in the legion nor oommonly of Roman origin, thongh in old daya 
the fourth claat of the Servian ayatem waa armed with alingt ('randaa 
lapideaqne miasUea/ Liry, 1. 43, 6). 'An amdliary corpa waa formed of 
Balearic alingera and of Cretan or Achaean arcbers, or of natiYes of 
Syria and Pontus. 

L 4. O. Martaa had semd with Jngnrtha vnder Scipio at Numantia 
(VelL Paterc a. 9, 3). Aa txibune in 119 bx. he passed a bill to prerent 
intimidation at the ekctions, and threatened L. MeteUna the conanl with 
imprisonment if he oppoaed it, though he owed the tribunate to the 
aupport of the MetellL He gained the praetorahip in 115, and 
now to have been ncminated legatus by Q, Metellus, whom he 
panied to Africa. He probably had not yet become eatranged trom the 
tamily of his patrone, nor identified himaelf with the popular party. 

oum equltibua. Theae are djsringuished xrom the 'auxfliartt 
equitea' on the nanka. Yet we do not hear after thia date of any 
Roman caralry attached to the legione, except a few picked honemen 
in the 'cohors praetoria,' or the orderliea and aides-de-camp of the 
generaL The alliea fnrniahed all the regular cavaky henceforth. 
oorabnt, 'waaincharge.' C£ Cat 59. 3. 

L 5. prefectia oohortium. Ct note on Cat. 59. 6. 

1. 6. ▼olitee. Theae were light-armed infantry apeciaUy organiaed in 
ait B.C to ■kirmiah between the aquadrona of caralry, which were 
found inferior to the Campanian horee, Thejr were then permanently 
attached to the legiona (cC Livy, a6. 4, 5), but they appear for the laat 1 

time in thia war, aa Mariua aoon after changed the old ayatem com* 
pletely, and gare a uniform character to aU the aoldiera of the legion. i 

Lo.gexens. Uaed by aeugmawith 'pacem' (inatead of 'agene'), 
aa weU aa ' beUum,' with which it ia comxnonly connected. 

L ia. o. 47. Vaga* forum roruxn ▼onalium. Vaga ia mentioned 
among the towna that aent help to Hannibal in the criaia of the Second 
Punic War (SiUna, It a. 359). It muat hare been aaaigned to Maai- 
niasa aa it u here called 'oppidnm Numidarum.' It waa lying waate in 
the time of Strabo, but under Severos waa restored aa 'colonia Septxmia 
Vaga,' now Bedja (Corp. Inacr. Lat 8, p. 154). El-Bekri calla xt the 
granary of Ifrikia (AxzicaX 'Etery day xooo camela and other beaata 
of burdcB carry away corn, but that haa no intluence c« the price of com» 

T S 



2*l6 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

t 

eo abondant it it' A reoent traveller says, ' It it impoesible to imagine 
a city more filthy ; the fable of king Angeaa with hii ttable of 3000 
oxen, ancleaned during thirty yeara, it actnally realised. The inha- 
bitantt have large flocka and herde, which they drive into the town 
every evening, and from itt ttreett and hontet nothing it ever removed. 
The old Roman draint are choked np, to that the rain inttead of wath- 
mg down the streets, only dissolvet the black abomination with which 
they are filled, and maket walking abont an impotaibility to one who it 
not hardened to it' (Playfiur, Travela in the footstepe of Brnce, 234). 
The town it on a ttream of the aame name which flowt into the rich 
valley of the Medjerda (Bagmdas). 

1L 14, 15. huo . . . inpoeoit. For thit combination of an adverb of 
place with 'inposnit,' c£ 66. 1 ; 75. 4. 
L 14. temptandi, Le. winning over the inhabitanta. 
L 15. aJ, 'to see i(' as Tac Ann. 4. 49, 1, 'exercitum ostendit, ti bar- 
bari proelinm anderent/ 

paterentor opportanitatee taeJ, 'the local conditiont wonld be 
mvonrable. 9 There it here variation in the MSS* and aome editort pre- 
fer to take 'paterentnr' of the inhabitants, Le. 'accept hit overturea/ 
and to read 'opportonitatit' at govemed by 'gratia.* 

L 18. oonmeata iavatnnun. The correction of Madvig and othert 
for the mcaningle» 'conmeatnm invatnrnm ' of the beat MSS. 
iam pexatia rebna, Le. for revolt from Jngnrtha. 
L 19. inpenaina moda An anntnal phraie fonnd only betidet in 
75. 1, and Cic. ad Fam. 64. 5. It teemt eaaiett to ezplain 'modo' in the 
tente of 'above measure,* at there it little to be taid for the temporal 
mraning 'now' ascribed to it by tome, nor any evidence in favour of itt 
being used at an expletive like 'nnmero ' in ' taepe nnmero.* 

L 15. o. 4& ee ania artibnt tomptarL CC the like phrate in livy f 
aa. 16, 5, 'nec Hannibalem fefellit tnit te artibus petL' 

P.126, Li. XttthuVBaaTewater.' C£ SchrSder, Ph. Spr. 95. The 
deacription of the locality 11 here at vagne at pceaible, and we cannot^ 
certainly identify the river. It haa been tnppoaed with tome reaton to be* 
Moesul, a atream which nowe from the tonth northwarda into the 
Sylyana, a tribntary of the Bagradat (Medjerda). Itt baain it boanded 
by a chatn of hilla at abont the diatance deteribed by Sallntt (cf. 
Malfian, Reiae a. a6a). 

L a. fenne, aaid bjr Varro to be older than 'fere' (L. L. 7. 5). It 
occurs alao m 74. j, and often m Livy and Tadtus. 
tra ot a pejri, * in a direction parallel to the river.' 
L3. ▼matoaabnatara. For thit nteof 'ab' withan adj.,c£o2.5, 
•anateapraecepa;' SalL Hkt 1. 9, «a pelodibut favia.' 
L5. taaaliiidow 'Hnmi' it not to be takenat a locative, bnt aa a 



t*t 



XQTES. CKMJ& 47-50. «77 

partitire gen. foUowing 'arido/ whidi is boldly used in a substantival 
sense, as Tadtus has 'lubrico palndmn * (Ann. 1. 65, 6), and * asperrimo 
hiemis' (3. 5, 3). J 

L 8. oultoribua. The prep. is omitted to agree with the constr. of ; 

'peeore/ bnt it is also dispensed with in 17. 3. 

L 9. o. 40. transrorso itinaro porreotum, 'stretchiiig right sxross ( 

the line of march.' It seems to have been a lower range of biUa, 
branching from the high mble-land, which bounded one side of the 
river-basin. 

L 10. •xtonuata, 'widely extended.' 
•lephantta. The Romans are said to hare been startled in their 1 

war with Pynhus by his nse of elephants against them, and to have 
themselves first employed against PhUip some that had been tiken from 
Carthage. 

L 13. turmaa. The companies of the cavalry, as ' msnipnli * were of [ 

the infantry. Cf. Varro (L. L. 5. 91), 'turma terima (E. in U. abiit) I 

qnod ter deni eqoites ex tribns tribubus . . • fiebant' 

manipuloa. This system of arrangement by maniples, which was ! 

supposed to date from the time of CamiUus, disappeais after this war m 
the sweeping changes of Marius, who snbstitoted for it a uniform system 
of cohorts. C£ note on 46. 7. 

L 14. monat atqua obtestatur. We may see perhaps in the topies 
a reminiscence of the speech of Phormio, Thuc. s. 89. 

L 17. quao . . . deouorint. Strictly we shonld expect • qnae ab im- * 
peratore (provideri) decnerit,' bnt the impers. verb is pnt in the pluraL 
by a sort of attraction of • provisa.' 

L ai. iUnm diem. Ct Thuc. s. 12, 4, ffc 4 tjUpa roit "feXAuffi 
/wyrfAM' «osaV &tfH. ' 

1. 38. oonspioatur. So written on the anthority of the gimmmarians 1 

Donatus and Prisdan, thongh the best MSS. have 'coospicitur. 1 It 
must be taken in a passive sense, though usnaUy deponent 
> 1. 31. inoerti, in a passive sense, like 'ignara' (18. 6), and 'innoxii 
(Cat 39. 3). 

L 33. oonmutatis ordinibua, Le. he made the front ranks wheel to 
the right ('transvorsis prindpiis') and strengthened them with three 
lines of reserves, throwing out the cavalry on what would be thewmgs 
if they faced to meet the enemy, and then continuing his march to the { 

low ground in the direction of the river (• in planum dedudt ')• 1 

P. 126, I8.0. 50. ButiUum, Probably the P. RntUius Kums, 
consul in 105 bx* whom VeUeius Paterculus calls 'virum non secuU 
sui sed omnis aevi optimum * (3. 13, 2% who wss found guUty of ettor* [ 

tion in the jury-courts of the equites, though notoriously innocent, and 
retired with proud contempt to spend his last years at Smyma. He 



il 



J 



Jl* .JUCURTHINB WAR* 

wrote memoirs in Greek, from which Sallnst may hate taken lome of hit 
deacriptions of the campaign. 

L ii. lMaitadinem . . . temptfttaroe, 'try the eflect of fatigne and 
thfaet npon the soldiers.' 

L 14. qni In tgmfno, i.e. the cavalry of the left wing, when the army 
fronted towards the enemy 00 their right, wonld be leading the van in 
the line of march to the rhrer. 

L 17. dnum. Here, as in 91. 3; 106. 5, 'dunm tnilium,' bnt 79. 1, 
'dnorum Carthaginiensinm.' The coins which exhibit Latin ortho- 
. graphy in its earOest stage known to ns, show the ending of the gen. 
plnr. of 9 stems as -cm. Bnt ' olomm ' (' Ulomm ') appears in the 
Cohunna Rostrata, and the fullcr fosm gains gronnd after the Pnnic 
Wars. In the age of Cicero the form in -§tm is only kept in a fcw 
words which occnr fbr the most part in andent or famiUar phrases, 
as 'deum,' 'dnunmr/ 'fabrnm,' 'todum,' 'modium,* 'talentnm,' thongh 
the poets retain it as a contenient reaonrce for their metrc. Cf. Corssen, 
1. 587. 

L j8. nnmero prioroa, Le. Jngnrtha's cvralry being snperior in nnm- 



L 39. dialeotoa . . . oironmTeniebant, ' cnt off the ttragglers.' 

L 30. quam oampi ruerat. Contrast the constr. of the ▼erb in Cat 
S5.3. 

L 31. ea rero. So Cat 37. 4. 

P. 187» L 4. o. 51. fora omnla reger*. Cf. Tac Ann. 1. 49, s, 
'cetera fbrs regit 

L 8. oohortis legjonariaa, as distinct firom the contingents of the 
aUies. Cfc note on Cat 59. s. 

L ss. o. 52. die ▼aep«r, bnt 'diei vesper ' in 106. *• 

L 93. praeoeptnm fuerat. So 109. 3. The plupert of snbst rerb 
with past part is rery rare in Cicero and Caesar. 

L 95. ignara. For passrve sense, cf. 18. 6. 

L 31. nnimo ▼aouom, Le. 'unaware of the danger.' C£ Tac. Ann. 
3. 46% 1, 'tres Tacnas legiones et dncem finndis ignarnm.* 

P. 126\ L a. axto etatuerai, 'drawn np in close order.' Ct Cat 
59. a, 'reUqnarnm signa in tnbeidio artins collocat' 

L 9. o. 53. pro oaetria. *Pro' in a local sense is nsed in technical 
fiprfsiions or military langnage ; thns 'pro opere/ 91. 9; 'pro mnro,' 
94. 4; 'pro consUio»' ao. 6; 'pro contJone / 8. 2; 'pro curia,' Cat 
18.8. 

L ia. inpeditoa mmia nrbornm. The elephants wonld aoon have 
crnshed down the bmahwood which wonld be growing on nn arid aoil 
tnch as thnt detcribed by Sallnst Bnt the battlt sotnet are commonly 



NOTES. CffAPS.SO-S4. 379 \ 

1 17. feeet The best MSS. have 'fcssi laetkpe erant/ bat 'fessi i 



lassiqne* is also found. Dietsch belieies thmt it rmn originally 'fcssi 
laetiqae ▼ictoria/ and tbat whea tbe last word tlipped oat of thc text, 
the seemingly ineaningless • leeti * was altered into 'lassL* It is proba- 
ble, however, that some word wu tlipped ia to contspoad to the 
baknceof ' instructi inteatiqee* of theaextliac Mr. Postgate saggetts 
'laeti quierant' (Mnemosyne, 1883). 

L 18. ampUns oplnione. CL 75. 8» •spe amplior/ aad 'serins spc* 
•celerinsspc' , 

L ai. strepitu velut hoetce edrentare. The infin. is very hard to 
explain, Madrig aad others have proposed to strike oat ' adientare * as 
a marginal note on 'hostes.* The constroction wUl be regnlar if we 
take it as an historic infin. Uke 'facerc' and regard 'velnt hostes* as ) 

only qualirjing the modal abL 'strepitu,' 'with a load din as if they j 

were the enemy, • bat a night attack would be more natnrally coadacted j 

iasUeacc It remains only to take •▼eiut' with 'adveatarc' thoughthe | 

asaal constr. would be 'adventareaC aad 'sicut' woald better sait tbe 
style of SaUust In that case 'strepita* will be best takea as qaaUrying 
'formidinem fccerc* and 'velut adientare* may be attracted to the 
iafin. inegularly by the historic mfin. which foUows. C£ Comtaat de 
& S. i6s. 

L 35. mutatur. Received on the aathority of the grammarian Pris- 
ciaa ; the best MSS. have 'exortum.* 

L s8. detreotent in aa anasaal sensc 'spoU* or 'mar' instead of » 

•dvparage.* 

L 29. o. 64. quatriduo. The abL form as 94. 3, 'toto die Namidat . j 

habeerat;* bat tbe more asaal acc of duration •bidaom* in 69. 3 aad 
91. 3, etc j 

1. 33. quae lerla eunt. The ase of the indic here ia a speech to 
coarey a beUef of the speaker is a stroag example of SaUast's ptefcreace 
forthatmood. 

animum gerant. After the analogy of theidiom •moremgererc' 
pro Tiotoria aatia. There seems to have beenUttle real saccess to 
boast o£ and the losses were probably severc 

P. 129, L 5. nebetem infemumoiue. This seems improbahle, aad 
the Romans are not likely to bave known mach of Jagartha's lecraitiag 
grounds. His army, thoagh dispersed for a while, probably reassem- 
bled; hislosseshad beea siight, aad thcrewas plenty of fightiag staff 
ia the popalations of Numidia. 

L6. c«grati%asm'eaformidine*bebwt^ 
case of the noun, aad stands for 'eius reW* so 'eo dolorc* 83. 1. ' 

L 9. 00 dlsoedunt. A common characteristic of trifaal warfara. 
Tadtuesaysthesamec/theGermans(Ann. 3.14,5). 

1 

1 



280 JUGURTHINE WAR. 



L 15. multa oastell» et oppida. There waa not much time for aU 
these doings. MeteUus came somewhat late, and had to drill and dis- 
dpline his forces, and he could not have marched yery far into the 
country before the siege of Zama and the retirement into winter 
quartem» 

L 14. ava> for ' aibi opportuna,' C£ 66. 1, 'suo loco pugnam facere ;* 
Livy, 41. 43, 3, 'suo mazime tempore et alieno hostibus.' 

L ac. ex oopia> ' fiom snch chances as he hacV C£ 98. 3. 

L 33. o. 55. gaudium lngona. The Romans were thankful for small 
mercies, for little progress had been made as yet. 

P. 180, 1. 1. gerevet. Applied in a difierent sense to • se' and • exer- 
dtum,' like •agitaret' in 54. a. 

L 3. magniflcrom •x Alblni eooordia» 'made arrogant by the,' etc 
CC84.1. 

1. 6. laota ager*. It is possible to take • laeta' as an acc. plur, bnt 
more probably it is nonL, as in § 7, •divorsi agebant,' and Tac Agric. 
5. a, •smralque anxius et intentns agere.' 

1. 34. o. 56. noqno ab hoate oopiam pnsnandL Sallnst forgets 
that he had said that Metellns did not wish to risk a batUe ; 54. 5. 

L ao\, fSamam. • Sitnated in a broad plain in the most pleasant and 
fcrtile part of Tuus, frte days' journey from Carthage (Lfry, 30. so, a). 
It was here that Hannibal encamped on his wmy from Hadrometnm 
before the dedsto battle at Naraggara aoa B. c. The 4 m regni ' of 
Jngartha became the •Zamaregia' of Jnba (*quo is coniuges liberosque 
habebat, qno ex cnncto regno onmem pecnniam carissimasqne res 
comportaverat,' Bell. Afr. 91). It was lying in rnins in the time of 
Strabo, bnt was lestored by Hadrian as •colonia Aelia Hadriana 
Angnsta Zama regia,* bnt scarcely any inscriptions have been fonnd at 
its site (Lehrs) ; d Corpus Inscr. Lat 8. aio. 

L 39. perrugia. These were probably from the auxiliary troops who 
had often little interest in the victory of Rome. The deserters had only 
a felctTs death to expect if they were taken, and fonght to the last to 
escape the cross or the wild beasts ; cf. 76. 6. 

P. 181, L a. Biooam. On a little tributary of the W. Melleg or 
eastem branch of the Bagradas. Ptolemy calls it Sicca Veneria, 
whence its modem name Schak-Benar. It was inmmons fbr the 
Astarte worship whieh prevailed there, iancifuUy snpposed to have 
been tmnaferned from SLdly in the cult of Venns Erydna (whence 
J Veneria). Selden and Ross compare the name with Soccoth Benoth, 

! Lc. •thc hutsof the msidens,' or priestesses of Astarte (a Kings 17. 30). 

j Valerius Maximus (a. 6\ 15) speaks of the immorality whioh was 

j tolemted there, Uke that which tmveUers deseribe m the towns of the 

Sahera, Its mU name nnder the Romaa £mpire was Colonia JnUa 



NOTES. CHAPS: 54-69. »8l 

Veneria Cirta Nova Sieca (cfc Corpus Imcr. Lat 8. 1631), and the 
150 imcriptiooB foand there testify to its importance. 
L 7. oasum dare. For this use of ' casns,' 'chance/ cf. note on 

»5- 9> . 

L 10. aut Cf. note on 6. 1. 

L ai. o. 67. glande, the ballof lead, thaped like an aoorn or almond, 
which was hnrlcd by the Roman slingers in siege operations. Many of 
these have been foond, and can be traced to the siege of Ascnlnm in 89 
n. c., and of Pemsia in 41. Some haye names and mde jests stamped 
npon them ; cf. Corpns Inscr. Lat 1. 188. 

1. 13. proellum In maoibna faoere. Copied perhaps firom the Greek 
idiom 4V x*pd Mx M0(U t and distingnisbed firom • eminns pugnare.' 

L S5. ardentia. This reading of the best MSS. mnst be taken as a 
predicate of 'sodes,' 'pila,' and •picem,' It seems howerer in- 
congraons as a matter of fact when takcn with ' sudes,' * Ardenti * is 
foond as another reading and preferred by some editors, 'taeda * being 
theresinons juice which oozes from the tree. 

P. 182, L 6. e.68. irustrart C£ the passire sense of ' adeptam,' 101. 
9; 'enisus,' 95. a ; 'interpretatum,* 17. 7. 

L 15. inultoe, 'u&punished,' u 70. 4; 106. 6. Elsewhere, 'nn- 
avengcd. 

1L 17, 38. 0. 69. ni . . . flaeerent. Tbe imperfcct tense points to the 
contmuance of the action in question as oompared to what the resnlt 
wonld have been at an earlier moment ; c£ Liry, 10. 41, i, 'nec snsttnu* 
issent . . . clamorem. . . ni potentior alius metns. . . letmeret' 

L 31. peditibua. For this instrumental abl„ c£ note on Cat 37. a. *— 
riotos dare, equiTalcnt to 'rmcere,' an idiom borrowed from the 
older style, especially of the comic writers. 

P. 138, 1. 8. e. 60. aionti audiri a suie. This description may be ^/ 

snggested by that (in Thuc. 7. 71) of the Athenians in thdr camp 
at Syracnse watching every phase of the last struggle in the harbonr. 

L 10. ritebundi. Used already as an adjectiye (38. 1), bnt here par- 
tidpially, as Liry, 15. 13, 4, 'ritabundus castra hostium.' It does not 
occur in Cicero or Caesar. 

L a6. o. 61. in prorinoiarn, qnae proxuma, L e. in that side of 
the Roman prorinoe which was dosest to N. 'Qun ' does not seem 
neoessary in place of * quae,' ihough supported by Mommsen (Hermes 1. 
438). The rerb ' conlocat ' implics motion, as the legions had to maicn 
into the prormce for the purpose. 

P. 164, L ia. 0. 62. iUo ounctente. For this nse of 'iUe'forthe ! 

rerlexire, c£ oo\ s, • magis id laborare ut illi qnam plurimi deberent' [ 

It is not uncommon in the earlier of Caessys woiks. i 

L 13. aine nlla paotione. There was littk generosity in the Roman 



28» JUGURTHINE WAR. 

character, aud it is strange that Jngnrtha should have thought of 
trustmg to their mercy. Their dealings with Perseus and NumantU 
raight have taught him better, bnt he knew their power, and had little 
hope of saccess when they were in earnest. 

L 16. onnotoe eonatorii ordinie. We rcad the Uke in 104. 1. 
The ordinarj ootmcU of war oonsisted of the 'tribuni militnm • and 
picked centurions, but other elements were reqaired in this case for 
negotiations which wonld reqnire the sanction of the senate. 

L ze> pondo. This old ablative was originally added to the qnantity 
epecified, whetfaer ponnds or onnces in weight, and then the word 'libras' 
was omitted as here, and ' pondo ' nsed absolutely. 

L sa. oorum magna pexe, Orosins sayt that therc were 3000 
deserten handed ©ver. They were men of tbe allied contingents, 
Thradans, Ijgnrians, and possibly native Axricans from the provinoe, 
who had little interest ia the stmggle. Their prniishment was terrible : 
many were impaled alive. 

L 34« armla ririaquo ot poonnla spollatne. It wat by like craft 
that Carthage in the Third Pnnic War wasstrippedof her resonrces and 
mnnitionsof war, before the final terms were dictated. 

L 35. ad imporanduin. Used in a passiTe senae ; c£ Cic ad Fam. 
9. 15, • nnnc ades ad imperandnm vel ad parendnm potins ; sic enim 
antiqui loqnebantnr; , Verr. 3. 8s, 190* 'in nltima ac difficillttna ad 
portandom loca frumentum imperare. 

L s6. Tiaidium. Tho iocality is unknown. 

L 38. taodio. This seems the first nse of the word in prose. 

L 39« Knmidlam Hoto l l o » as pcoconsoL 

P. 185» L 3. o. 08. naruspex. Besides the old Roman practioe of 
angvry by the flight of birdt, there was an Etmscan system of divina- 
tioa whtch interpreted the will of hcaven as indicated in the entrails of 
the vicrims. The ministers of this never obtained the same high statns 
as the augurs, bnt they were employed by the state, and had besides a 
lncrarive practice in private life, and largely catered for tho snperstitions 
pubHc. C£ note on Cat 47. 3. 

L8. modiona. CC Cic. Legg. 3. 18, 40» 'modica sonto, id cst 
moflftti atqne sedata»' 

L 9. gloariao aridna. Compare the description of VelL Paterc 
3. ii t 1,'hiitos atqne horridns vitaqne sanctns • . .immodicns gioriae, 
faapotens semperqne inqnietns. 

▲rpini altoe, Jnvenal (8. 343) says of him, • Arpinas alins Vol- 
M M u ia la mrfw i t » tftlifhat I ooseere mereedea» •H—**» 1*— w aretro/ Bat 
there was little labour for niro on tho fermt of Central Italy, and he 
probably was a soldier at aa eariy age. Arpinam on tho Iiria wat also 
the home of Gcero. 



NOTES. CHAPS* 69-64. «83 

L 11. Graeoe rheundi*. C£Cat53«3. But Sallust pots lhetoric 
enough mto the mouth of Marius 2n c 85* inappropriate ae it probably 



munditiia is a correctioo of a later band in the beat MS. for 

• milltiis.' Wagner proposes 'moUitiis * (Rh. Mus. 1868, p. 699). 

L 13. tribnnatmn miUtarem a populo. The twenty-fonr triboncs 
of the first foor kgiona were elected by the comitia centuriata, in the 
same form as the magistrates, and held ofiioe for a year. The remainoVr 
were nominated by the consnls. Cato the younger and Jnlins Caetar 
were candidates like Marina. 

L 15. alinm poet alium, He was 'tribunus plefatV and afterwards 
praetor, bnt he twioe failed as candidate for the cnrnle aedileship. 

L 17. ampllore quam gerebet dignua. He did not shine howefer 
mhispraetorship^forthedntieaofwhichhewailittle fitted. He was 
at home only in the camp. 

ad id looorum. So 73. a, while 'lod' occnrs m a like idiom 
103. 1 ; Cat 45« 3. C£ 'eo vecordiae/ 5. 1 ; 'eo miseriarnm»' 14. 3. 

L 19. pleba. Loosely nsed of the lower classes. The plebeiene, aa 
distmgnished firom patridans, had access to all offices of state. 

L ao. por manue, 'from hand to hand ;* so Tac Agr. 19. 3, 'olim 
regibns parebant, nnnc per principes (from one chieftain to another) 
factionibus et studiis trahuntnr.' 

L ss. poUntna. CC note on 15. 5 ; as 'pollutos* wonld seem to 
qualify a honos' better tban ' clarns»' it has been propoted to tranapost 

* is,* and insert it before ' quasL ' 

L 34. 0. 64. petnndi, sc ' consnlatnm.' 
miairionain. Usedmoreoommonlyfora'6Uschaige»'thanfor*leaTe 
of absence.' 

L 35. rogat Unnsnal oonstr. with 'abMetello;' not elsewhere in 
Sallnst 

L 36. oontemptor animue. C£ Cat 5. 4, 'animns dissimnlator.' 
euperbia. Velleins Paterculus notes that the Metelli had within 
twehe years enjoyed twelre times either consnlship, or oensorship» or 
trinmph (3. 11, 3). 

L 33. per negotia. So Caeaar, BelL GalL 3.9, 3, 'cnm primnm per 
anni tempns potnit ;' and c£ the familiar expressious 'per me stat,' 'per 

melicet' 

P. 186, L 4. oontubernio. AbL withont prep., like ' anspkiis,' ' im- 
perio,' etc This modal abl. becomes of mnch more freqnent oocarrence 
mlivyaodTacitus; cf.Drager, 1.500. The yoong Roman nobles who 
first gained thcir experience of war in attendance on the general were 
called hia ' contnbemales ; ' thos, Julius Cacsar 'stipendia prima in 
AaUfccUM.Th*nwpraetorisoontnbemfo'(Su 






I 

! 

t 
1 



384 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L 5. vigintL While the legal age reqnisite for the consnlship wu 
43, Mariua waa 49. 

L*7- oonsnltoribna. Uted in a different senee from that of Cicero 
ibr theee who give, not aak advice. We ahonld expect • consultricibus,' 
aa the anbjecta are frminine subst. 

L 9. laxiore imporio. Plntarch saya that Mariua gained the aflec- 
tiona of the aoldiera by aharing the hardahipa and dangera of their 
commonlife. 

L 10. oriminoae et magninoe, 'in cenaoriona and arrogant terms/ 

L 13. oonsnlto trahi, or aa in the complainti of the dilatory policy 
of Fabina Cunctator, • in dncendo bello aednlo tempna trahere quo 
dintins in magistratn lit* (Iivy, 22. 25, 1). 

L 19. o. 05. eeonndnzn, i.e. with rereraionary rights in default bf 
the 'primi heredes.' Cf. Tac Ann. 1. B, 2, • in apem aecnndam nepotea 
pronepotesque ; tertio gradn primores civitatis scripserat.* 

L ao. mento inminnta. Tacitna copies this expreasion, Ann. 6. 46, 1. 

L si. poneret, poaaibly for ' ponere liceret,' if the snbject be Gauda; 
c£ Tac Ann. a. 81, 3, 'Piao oravit nti traditia armia maneret in 
castello.* 

L as. eqnitnm Bomanorum. The epithet is emphatic, for the 
Roman knights served now only in the generaTa body-gnard (' cohora 
praetoria') or aa officers or orderlics» The cavalry waa aimost entirely 
fanushed by the aitiee. 

L 13. appoUaTiaaet. Used for formal recognition by Cicero de 
Harusp, Resp. 13, • alter est rex indicio senatns per noa pecnnia Brogitama 
per te appellatne.' 

L a6. ajixtnm, 'irritated.* 

1. 31. id adeo. C£ Cat. 37. 3. 

F. 137» L 4. foa* per legem Me>mi1iain. CC note on 40, 5 ; with 
'fusa,* compare 73. 7, ' perculsa nobilitate.' 
> r " L 5. proeodere. The historic infinitive is commonly nsed rather to ex- 
press thedifierent stages of an action, than to snm np the resnlt (cf. note 
onCat. 11.4). Ithere recalla to the fancy the varionsinflnencesat work 
wtthont defining their relation aa canae or eftect. 

L 8. o. 66. dTitatia quae ab ae defeoareiit. Many of these 
were probably the old Liby-Phoenician cities which had snbmitted to the 
Numidian conquerors and become tributary, but still retained their local 



L 9. loooe. C£ 18. 4. 

L 13. Vagenaaa . . . prinoipeo. There is here a transition from the 
wider snbject of Vagenses, to the more limited class contamed m it. 

qoo» by cmttr, ad tentum, refers to Vaga impUed in Vagenses ; 
ct 103. 1, 'turrim, quo praesidium imposuerat.' 



NOTES. CHAPS. 64-68. 285 

L 17. onpidnm norarom iwoe Sallnst doei not tell ns, like 
Plntarch, that the intolenoe of the garrison helped to proroke the 
ontbreak. 

L 19. in dlem tertinm oonstfarant. So Cioero (c. RnlL 1. 2, 4), 
'auctionem oonititntam in mentem Iannarium.* The transitire nte 
«dicm constituere ' U mnch more common, bnt Sallntt often uses Terbt 
ahtolutely. Cf. Jur. 3. u, 'hic nbi noctnmae Nnma constitnebat 



1. 22, praefeotnm oppidL The tenn * praefectut' may be nted of 
any ofnoer, appointed by a ctmimander-in-chief for tpecial tenrice. 
In the time of the Repnblic itt chief utes in the army were connected 
with the contingentt of the alliet; c£ note on Cat 59. 6. Tur- 
pilint wat pottibly the Latin 'praefectas, cohortis.' Plutarch tayi 
that he wat 'praefectns fabrum' (r^r M rfir rarr&wr fx*r d>xfo 
Marint 8). 

L 2$. inermos. So 94. s ; 107. 1 ; thongh in other placet Sallntt 
hat the ntnal form * inermis.* 

1. 30. 0. 67. «roe. The MSS. have 'aroem' or 'ad arcem.* Dietsch 
wonld supply ' obtidebat ' to complete the conttr. 

1. 33. anoeps malnm, L e. in front and in rear ; L e. from the 
' praetidinm hottinm ' at thecitadel, and the women and children in the 
streets. 

P. 188, L 3. saeTiatamia. Uted participiaUy at an abl. absolute. 

L 6. parnm oomperimns. Plntarch howerer had no donbt on the 
tnbject ; cf. note on 69. 4. 
nial. Cf. note on 34. 5. 

L 7. integra fama. Thii wonld be scarcely applicable to a com- 
mander whose carelessnesi had lost a town with its garrison. 

intestabilis. Properly one who wonld not be accepted at a 
witnett in a conrt of law. It is combined with 'improbm' in a frag* 
ment of the Twelve Tablet qnoted by A. GelL 6. 7, 3, to exprett the 
penalty of infiuny and ontlawry. 

L ii. o. 68. onm qna hlemabat. Sallust, with his ntnal ragueness 
m matters of geography, does not tell nt where Metellnt wat in winter 
qnarten. He mnst hare been near, if he really reached Vaga in a single 
night HeprobabiyinaichedbythebrosdrAu^ 
therc was little to ohttmct hit way. 

L 15. oironmYentain. Unnsnal of inanimate objects, bnt c£ Curtitts, 
5. 1, 2&, 'omninm opemm magnitndinem drcnmTeninnt caremae uv» 
genics.- 

L 16. abnnentis, taken adrerbially— not with 'omnia'— at in Lfrry, 
*7» 49> 4» 'fcssos abnnentetqne taedio et labore/ whieh tcemt to be sug- 
gested by thc text 



r 



286 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L i8. pro otribna suia. But Sallust nipp o m bim to be addressing 
Nnmidian cavalry (§ a), recrnited probably froxn the tribet disaffected 
to Jngurtha. They are identi6ed by their general in sympathy witb 
Romans. Braaidaa doea tbe like in Thuc. 4. ia6. 
L ai. ln primo, sc 'agmine/ ' in front' 
Ute, *m open order,' aa contraated witb 'artissome.' Moat MSS. 
have tbe nrtmraning ' latere.* 

L ay. o. 60. Tolgum. Tbia obaolete form occms aJao 75. 5 aa 
'fonia 9 for 'fbrum' (SalL Hist. 1. 76). 

P. 139, L i. oaplte poenM eolTit, Tbere is a atory given by 
Pintarcb m bis life of Marins (8) to tbe effect tbat Turpiliua, wbose 
famfly bad long been on intimate terma witb tbat of Meteflus, waa 
aeiaed by tbe revolting factjon, bnt releaaed by tbe citizens wbose affec- 
tiona be bad won by bia bnmanity as govemor. Tbe council of war 
condemned bim aa a traitor, to tbe great regret of Metellua, thoogb 
tbe cbarge waa fonnd too late to be nnfonnded. Bnt Marius, wbo 
bad been moat Tebement against him, rejoiced in tbe thought tbat 
be bad helped to bring an avengmg cnrae on the bead of hia enemy 
Metellue. 

nain le otria ex Iittlo. Dietschargoes that thephrase 'dvisex 
Latio* wonld natnrally mean a Roman resident in Latium, or one who 
bad paased from the Latin to the Roman rranchiae, and ao Appian 
calls him eVljsa *F«/uuor. Bnt it is probably equivalent to ' crvia La- 
tmut/ aa Latinm waa now passing from a geograpbical to a legal 
expreanon. The Latms did not enjoy the same immnnity from the 
ac o nr ge aa the Romane. 

L 5. a 70. enaploiena, not commonly nsed in thia sense, which is dne 
probably to tbe contraat with 'suspectua.' • 

L 8. oanun. The best MSS. have 'clarnm,* which ia snpported by 
the 'ex quo illi gtaria* below, aa well aa by the imitation in Tac Ann. 
ia. ao, 1, 'prima imperii aetate clarus acceptusque popularibos.* Bnt m 
1*. 3 and 108. 1 'came* ia fonnd with 'acceptus.' Cicero waa fond of 
the combination 'cams atqne iucundus.' C£ pro Sulla, ai. 6a. 

L aa in quie . . . aoonaaxe, The hiatoric infinitiTe ia very rarely 
naed in dependent clanses, and bere in sense, though not in form ('b 
onJa*X it ia a primary affirmation, aa in 98. s. 

L si. ptmesni» Xetelli in peetem oonT o r ter e t, Le. bring ruin npoo 
bhnself m place of the itwarda offered by Metellus. C£ 'praemia an 
eruoatummallet'beiow. 

L sa. o. 71. tetew Tbe Nnmidian talenta Ibr iatrigne are repre- 
aentcd ea ver^ sUght ia thia acooont 

L S7. aatinin, 'wcaried,'aaVcrg.Acn.a,a68, 'qnoprimaqoksmor» 
taHbna aegris | indpit.' 



:i 



NOTES. CHARS. 68-74. 887 

P. 140^ L 6. anper. Rarel 7 used in this wajr with an abL io the best 
authors, 

L 9. o. 7*. obpretaerat. For the tente, c£ note 00 Cat 18. 6. 'Pre- 
mere'or 'reprimere'aeemtinore natural in thii sense. CXTacAnn. 
6. 50, 5, ' tantoque magis iimm premens»' 

L 15. formidine qnaai ▼eoordia. Repeated 99. 3, 'terror quati 
vecordi*.* Thewholeo>scriptiottof Jugurtha'ssuspici^ 
rhetorical, and the Romans were not likely to know mnch about it 

L 17. 0. 78. indioio patefaoto. A pleonsstic expretrion imitated 
pottibly firom a Greek idiom. ' 

L 18, tamqnam ad integrnm bellnm. So Tac. Hitt s. 57» 1, of a 
war m whach little progreit teemed to have been made. 

L 19. ratigantem. Cl note on 11. 4. 

L 25. magia studia, etc, ' party spirit rather than their own merits 
or demerits. 

L 26. modereta, 'determined matters.' The word it nted abo abao- 
lately in 45. 1, thoogh with a different shade of meaning. 
atditiosi lnagiatratua, Le. the 'tribuni plebis.* 

L S7. oapltis ar oe ater e. C£ 32. 1, ' pecnniae captae accersebat' 

L a8. In maine oelebrare. Said to be imitated from the cti ve 
I*h$<* KovfiSjeai of Thnc 1. ie> 3, and to have been copied m tnm by 
Livy and Tacitns. 

1. 30. in manibna, Like the 'mannum mercede 9 of Cat 37. 7. 

1. 32. pott mnltaa tempettetet. Cicero tays the same of himself long 
afterwards (c Rnll. s.i, 3) 'me perlongo iatervallo prope memoriae 
tempornmqne nostromm primnm hominem novnm consnlem fecistiB.' 

P. 141, L 1. rogatna qnam vellet. This, though within the com* 
petence of the sovereign assembly, was an irregnlar proceeding. By a 
Sempronian Iaw (of C. Gracchns) the tenate dedded before the electiont 
what the contnlar provinces of the following year shonld be, This 
seems to have been done, and other departments assigned to them, whik 
Metellns wat to continne in command m Numidia. Bnt the comitia 
overruled thit arrangement Inferior MSS. have sapplied accordingly 
'Senatus Metello Numidiam,' where wordt have dropped ont' before 



L 8. o. 74. Tarina • . . agjtabat. Yet 35. 6\ 'meta atqne lubidine 
divonut agitabatnr» 

L 13. ndei popnlarinm minna erederet. There it little evidence 
of djsaftection among the Nnmidians. No pretender is pnt Jbrward, 
and the war has all the appearance of a national struggle, 

L 14. repente aeaa Metellnt • • • oetendit. It wonld be faardly 
poanble to mtrodnce a battle more abruptly, and with fcwer detsilt of 
nme aad place* 



c 



I 1 



288 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L 19. nnmero, hosttam . . . potitL For thUwiety-of constrnction 
cC Cat 33. x, ' pleriqne patriae led omnes fama . • . expertet lumus.' 

L ai. tuta sniif, agreeing with 'arma,' mther than with the more 
important 'pedes,' nnlike the caie of 50. 6. There is little authority for 
taking 'Urta' in the tenie of 'giring safety,' and it ii doubtral whether 
we thonld aocept the reading. Other MSS. haie 'Numidaa • . . tnta 
sunt,' in which caie we mmt expUU 'tuta* aa an obtolete partic. of 
'tueor,* 'defenbY There lenuuns another variation, 'tutata tunt,' which 
seems better here, as in 52. 4 ; 85. 45. 

L sa. o. 76. inpenains modo. Cf. note on 47. 3. 

L 13. Thalam. Probably not the lame ai the ' praesidium cui ThaU 
nomen* of Tac. Ann. 3. ai v 3, which i» identined with a plaoe now 
called by the lame name in a fertile and well-watered valley near Am- 
maedara. Some old rnini to the eatt of Capta itill bear the name of 
ThaU, and the potition and neighbonrhood tuit the detcription of Sal- 
lntt Strabo tpeaka of it at lyrag watte with other old Numidian 
towns, The pUnt mimota gummiftra, which aboundt near the ruins, 
beart in Arabic the name of 'thala,' and may aocouat for the modem 
deaignation, though not fbr the andent, and the eridence on which they 
are identified U Tery alight The undoubted ThaU to the north may 
take itt name firom a Berber root«'spring' (ExpL de TAlg. 4. 43), or 
from a Phoenidan word • ' conduit ' (Gesenius). 

L 34. in oppidum, For the place of the prep. cf. Liyy, 5. 38, 6, 
• Veios U hostium urbem ragerant' 

L 95. theeaurt After tll that Jugurtha had spent U bribery at Rome 
and sunendered to Metellus (6 j. 3) there could not be mnch left. But 
' Roman fancy represents Us treasures as Uexhauatible. 

multas pueritiae oultus, Le. a Urge esUblishment was kept for 
the mtintenance ofthe royal chUdren. 

L 17. in spatio, 'withU a space.' 

L a8. arida atque Tatta. The neighbourhood of the ThaU» which 
U U the sonth-east of Tunis, U detcribed by tmellen U strong terms. 
Pellisuer says that the mott barren part of Algeria U an Eden at com- 
paied with it 

F. 143, L 4. foerint The best MSS. poUt to thU reading, though 
it would be eatier to read 'forent' with Kritz. . It mutt be taken at a 
rature perfect, following the hittoric pvetent 

L ia epo ampliar. C£ 33. 5, 'ampliut opmione.' 

L li« ta nora deditiana, 'whfte their snrrender was still recent' 
An unntual tente of 'novus.' 

L ia. ntHgUma pta*l* magU uai, 'paid more regard to the heaven* 



L 17. tw 7nX tafsotum. CX uteof 'Urictum,' 43. 5. 






NOTES. CHAPS. 74-78. «89 

L 95. proelio. Probably a datWe, not an ahL witli ' intentos,' ai 44. 3, 
• expectatione eventus cWium animot intentea,' 

L 37. Tineaa . • . turribna, How the nege train was obtained Sal- 
lnst does not tell ns ; they left all their baggage bebind and earried only 
water with them (75. 3). But this carelessnesi is charactexistic of the 
wnter. 

L 30. nlhil relioum. This phrase, or 'nihil reliqui' with 'mcere,' is 
generally nsed in the sense of 'nihil relmquere/ bnt here it is equiralent 
to «nihil omittere,' as Caesar, BelL GalL a. 36» 5. 

L 31. multo anto labora. Tfce adverb • ante ' is put after a Greek 
idiom for an attribute, as Verg. Aen. 1. 198, ' neqne enim ignari sumus 
ante labornm' (rdr «pir aaa&r). Cl Drager, 1. XII. 

P. 143, L 3. illaqua et domum. A etory often repeated among the 
horrors of ancient sieges from the legend of Sardanapalus onwards. 
ooarnmptint. C£ nse in 33. 4. 

L 6. o. 77. LaptL Ct note on 19. 3. Metellus was now at the 
nearest point to the sonth-eastem coast, which he reached m the cam- 
paign— if the position of Thala has been rightly detennined--and the 
embassy from Leptis wonld not have far to traveL 

L 15. imperata. At their great distance from the earlier seat of war 

they conld do little bnt send snpplies to the coast towns of the prorince. 

nare. An obsolete equWaltnt for ' nariter,' as in a passage quoted 

by Festns from theFrWolaria of Plautut, 'nave agere oportet quod agas, 

non ductarie.' 

L 18. 0. 78. Bidonila. This may point to a rtrj eariy period, as 
the Sidonian ascendancy aad maritime influence ended with the destroc- 
tion of the town by the Philistines in the uth centnry B.a, after which 
Tyre stepped into its place. But in that period the Fhoeniciaa colonies 
were commonly in the east of the Mediterranean. 

L 19. ob disoordiaaoiTilia. It was to such a cause that thenewstart 
taken by Carthage was due when the fugitives from Tyre arrived. Many 
such 'coloniae ex secestione' are mentioned. 

L 30. intor duaa 8yrtia. This seems a cocJusion between the 
Leptis Minor, to which the text probably refers, which is noith of 
the Syrtes, and theLeptis Magna between them, which as of later origin 
was called rtdvoAif. Cf. note on 19. 3. The confusion is the more 
strange, as Sallust himself sailed from the former to Cercina (Bell. Afr. 8). * 

L 13. in tampaatato radoaa. Cfc Pomp. Mela 1. 7, 'importuosus 
atque atrox et ob vadorum frsquentium brevia, magisque etiam ob 
altemos motus pelagi.affluentis ac refluentis infestus.* Tlxe danger to 
the seamen working off a ka-ahore is caused not by tides, but by the 
reactioA of the currcnts due to winds blowing off a shallow coast Cf. 
ftrab.17.3, aa 

V 



l 



I 



< 



290 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L a& 8yrtoa ab traetn, i.c from the Greek tnipttp. The words 
repeat the 'nomcn ex re inditnm * above, and reJer to the nmd and sand 
driren hither and thither by the changing carrents. 

L ay. lingne» The native Berber tongne, which was qnite distinct 
firom the Phocnicisn, could not hold iti own in the towns, bnt it has 
lasted on still in the rngged hiU-conntry and in the Sahara. 

L aft. legum. The laws of the parent states were always introdnced 
among the Phoenidan colonies. Eten in later days at Gades Cicero 
speaka of the • Poenomm inra ' as still in fbrce (pro Balb. 14. 33). 

L 30. fjreqnaxxtem Nnmidlam, 'the popnlons districts of Nnmidia;' 
these were ur to the north-west. 

P. 144, L 1. o. 79. pleraque Afxioa. This abL MocV which is fre- 
qnent in later writers withont the prep», is accepted on the testimony of 
Amsianns against the anthority of the MS&, which mostly have 
'pleraeqne Africae.' 

L a. Oyr enen aea quoque* The hoatility of Carthage to Cyrene was 
part of her general policy to keep Greek traders ont of her waters. 
This cansed the dcstrnction of the colony of Doriens on the Cinyps 
(Hdt 5. 43). 

L 3. nna epeoia. 'Thereisnosandy plain of this description b the 
bottom of the Syrtes, and thongh there is no river, there are certainly 
monntains, if ulls of solid stone, from 400 to 600 feet high, may be 
entitled to that distinction' (Beechey, Expl. of North Africa, p. ass). 
With the exception of one place there b no oocasion to cross the sand 
at aU, as the sand-hills are confraed to the beach. 

L 14. tempeetae, The efiects of the bnrning sirocco, which blows 
from the Sahara, are described by modern traveUers in mnch more 
▼hrid terms as no less dangerons than storms at sca. Compare the story 
of the PsyUi, who marched against the Sonth Wind, and were bnried in 
the sands (Hdt. 4. 1 73). 

hand soona atque in mavL C£ Lacan 9. 448, 'littoresiceo qnam 
pelago Syrtis ▼iolenthts excipit Anstmm | et terrae magis ille nocet' 

L 15« nuda. SaUnst extended the nse of the adjectnres of relation 
foUowed by a gen. CL Drager, 1. 441. 

L 16. gignantinm, 'plaats/ as 93. 4, and Seneca's 'iiaacenbV £p. 
79. Cioero e jLpi e sse s it by 'ea qnomm stirpes terra continentnr' (de 
N. D. s. to, a8), or 'res eae qnae gignnntnr e terra' (de Fin. 4. 5, 13). 

L 18. morari itex. Cfc the description in Hd{. 3. a6 of the storm 
of wind whkh bnried in the sand the Persian anny on its way to the 
Oasbof Arnmon. 

L Vf. Fhilawri a , » . arao o on jooraTOTO. Strabo(3.s)speaksoftheso- 
caUed altam of the Philaeni, «ara jtiear wev ripfimfrr&vXipTwfir. 
Phny (5. 3) and Mela (1. 17) alao speak of them, bnt with no definite 



i 1 i 

\ 



NOTES. CHAPS. 78-82. 29 r 

deacription of their character, and we do not know whether they were 
natural moundi shaped by man*s hand, or huge blocks of stoae with a 
horixontal impott like thcee of Stonehenge, tome of which are dctcribed 
by Barth in the mountaint near Tripoli (Trafels, 1. 58). Major Rennel 
says that they were abont teven-nintht of the way firom Carthage to 
Cyrene. Atsuming therefore the legend of the bovndary betng deter- 
mined by the meeting of the two perties, the great dinercnce of tpeed 
had to be acconnted for. 

1. 31. o. 80. per magnaa solitadinec . . . ad Gaetoloa. Thete 
were the *ast plaint of the detert region, broken only by the occasiontl 
oatet of verdure where culthration wat pottible. 

P. 146, 1. 1. ordinM habere. Thit readt at if Jngnrtha had em- 
ploycd a Roman drill sergeant Thewildhortemen ofthedetertwould 
be mott formidable while fighting m their own fashion. 

L 3. magnit muneriboa. We hear of littlc bnt bribet on bom tidct 
and bonndlets treasnret in Nnmidia. 

L 9. qnia omnla . . . moa ecai. Rcpeated from Cat 3a 4. 

1. 14. pro aoeia optinet» 'takes rank as the partncr.' 

L 15. o. 8L pladtanau First nsed in prote by Sallnst, a fter w tidi by 
Tacitns, Ann. s. 66» 3 ; 4. 37, 4. 

1. ti. regem Penen, TTiere wat jnstice m thete refierences to thc 
past As the attack npon Cartbage in the ThirdPnnic War was wholly 
nnproroked, to wat that on Persent of Maccdonia in 171 B.C. The 
diplomatists of Rome tricked him fint wim lying words, ttll the gene» 
rals were ready for the field. Not content at last with crnshing him at 
Pydna, thcy blackened his memory with maUgnant talet» 

L 23. ad Oixtam. How this town had come into the possctsion of 
thc Romans has not been described, and the omitsion is striking in the 
case of to important a place. It wat probably snrrenderedby Jngnrtha. 
when he was minded to sabmit, for the tiege of the stronghoid oouTd not 
have been omitted. 

L j6. duz Bomannt. An unnsnal cxpretsion with SaUntt 'Dux* 
it omitted in tome MS&aad maybe aa mterpolation, at 'Romannt' 
alone would imply it 

L 33. o. 82. haud prooul ab Oirta. Meteilut wat last heard of mr 
away to thc sooth-east, and not a word is taid of the long march orer 
a difficnlt country. 

P. 148, L 3. nam. EUipncal, «the pro^ince, I tay, not the 
thip, for/ etc Ct note on Cat 19. a. 

L 4. anpra bonnm . . • perenlaia. It wat the hardcr to bear becai 
MetcUnshad been thcpatronof Marins, at we leam from Prataich, and 
had helped him to riae to the tribnnate by hit mfineoce, and appointed. 
bim hit legate. 

V 2 



I 



J9> yUGURTRINE WAR. 

L 8. lam part* riotori*. No very enbetantial raccess had yet been 
gained, though Jugurtha had atripped himaelf of much of hia reeources 
by hia eaxlier mdedaioiL Craft and treacherjr to iar had done more 
than force of arme. 

L 13. o. 83. alienam rom. Jealousy of a rival waa often etrong 
enough, aa here, to make a general unwilling to help on the work of 
hia focceator even to rorther hia country*s causc Some, however, went 
mnch rurther, and even weakened the army, or threw difficolties in the 
way of ita advancc 

L 17. inoerte. pro oartla mntare. Thia unnanal conatroction of 
'mutare' ia illnstrated by Friecian, who reada tn 53. 8 abovc 'pro metn 
repente gandinm mntatnr,' where the MSS. have 'exortnm.' 

L 31. c 84. multns...in*taxe. Imitated from the wAet Mmhto of 
Thnc 4. 33, a. C£ alao 96. 3, 'ad vigiliai mnltua adessc' 

F. 147, L 1. ™«g"«*^ pro ae. Copied perhapa by Livy, 9. 41, 8, 
'magnifice de ae ac contemptim de Romania loquentee.' So Tac 
Hiat 3. 73, 4, 'edicta pro Vespaaiano magnifica/ 

dolentia. A very rare nae of the partic ; c£ Ovid, Met a. S45, 
*nfl fertnr dbrisse dolentina.' 

L 3. regibue. Cf. note on 43. 4. 
aooiiaqne. Madvig (Adv. 9. 999) pro p oaei to omit 'quc* The 
'aocii * wonld include those of the Latin namc 

ex I*tio, 'of thoae of the Latin franchiee,' not confined to the 
inhabitants of Latium, moat of whom were Roman dtisena. C£ note 
0039.2. 

L 4. mfHtiae. Nearly alwaya aa a locative conpled with 'domi/ 
ezcept in archaic langnage ; cf. Cic Legg. 3. 3, 8, 'mUitiae anrnmnm ina 
habento, nemini parento.' For the change of constrnction in 'militiae 
• . . Jama,' ct above, 74. 3. 

L 5. aoeire, C£ note on the 'evocati,' Cat 59. 3. Marina ta here 
lepreaented as levying volunteera among the veterana of the Latm 
francbiae, and the technical term of the Roman aervice ia not used. 

L 9. Tolenti putabetur. Thia imitation of the Greek idiom 0o**o- 
/Urf jmI i*r% aeema to have been first introduced by Salluat (cC 100, 4), 
though afterwarda found in Iivy and Tadtna; c£ Agric 18. 3» 'qoibus 
beHnm volentibna erat' 

belli ujram, 'the reqnirementa of war, 9 a paaaive senee fonnd alao 
m Cic Verr. 4* 5» 9» 'nsum provindae supplerc* 

L 17. dieaaruit. The apeech put into the month of Marina ia mnch 
too labonred and artifidal to anit hia character. 

L18. 0.88. eladam artibtia, etc. Imitated by Livy, 7. 33, 1, 'qnibns 
artibna p f ti t fa t m agi a tr atna^ i jf^tm gerebat/ 

Lsi.eo&trae*. CCnoteons4.^'ill]unanpfaquamegoaumpetere.* 



t *ai 

r 
\ 



NOTES. CHAPS. 82-85. 393 

1. 14. debere, sc. 'videtur* firom the last sentence. 

1. a& oogere ad mflttlaffl. Constraint might ttill be enfbrced, but 
prectJcallj it wis now disused, for owing to the change introdnced bj 
Marius (cf. 86. *\ snbetitntes of a lowcr class were alwajs avaflable, 
and volunteering took the place of conscription. C£ Digest 49. 16, 4, 
10, 'qui ad dilectnm olim non respondebant, nt proditores Ubertsris m 
serritntem redigebantur, sed mutato statn militiae iwctiimi a capitis 
poena est, qnia plemmqne volnntario milite nnmeri supplentnr.* 

L a& oplniona . . . asperius. C£ 'amplius opinione,* 53. 5. 

F. 148, L 1. prooedunt. Cl Cat 31. x. 

1. 3. trustra sint. This idiom is onlj used of persoos here and bj 
Plautus, though often of things, c£ 7. 6. 

L4. ita. ..rui. Fc^thissensec4'*rai'-- < behaTed v 'c£Cic. AtL 13. 
53, I, *o hospitem mihi tam gravem: a/wra^UX^ror, rait enim per- 
iucunde.' 

L 5. oonsueta haheam. C£ 100. 5. 

L6. est oonsiliam. Sallast elsewhere connects this phimse and 
others of the same kmd with an infin.; c£ Cat 17. 6, 'vivere copia;' 
3a 4» 'vendere mos;' Jng. 89. 3, 'aggredi tempns visnm est 9 

L 7. temperare. Equivalent to ' tempermre sibi;' c£ Livj, s. 32, 6, 
'in mnlta temperanmt tribunL' 

L xa vortit, absolutelj; c£ Cat 6. 7, 'in snperbiam convortit' 

L 14. prosapiae. A word thonght to have been b or r o wed from 
Cato's Origines (cf. Nonins, 1. 343). Cicero nses the. word with sxt 
excuse (de Univ. Fragm. 11), 'eorum, nt ntamnr vetere verbo, pro- 
sapiam.' It was obsolete in Qaintilian's time (x. 6, 40). The derivation 
seems to be the same as that of 'satus/ 'satumus,* 'dissipare,' and our 
Old English word ■ sib.' 

multarnm imaginum, Cf. note on 4. 5. 

nuUins stlpandi, 'no ezperience of active service.' 'Stipendia* 
is often used of 'campaigns,* bnt the singnlar is rare in this sense. 

L 19. Graeoorum . • • praeoepta legere. Ciccro speaks of Lncnllus 
stnd jing the art of war from Greek writers on his wa j to the struggle with 
Mithridates, bnt he was alresd j a tried soldier. That the consnls were 
chosen withont regard to antecedents in the field was a weak pomt in 
the Roman sjstem. Plinj sajs, Paneg. 13, 'exercitationibus nostris non 
veteranonnn aliqui*,cui decus muralis aut dvica» sed Graecnlns msgiatcr 
adsistit» 

L aa gerere quam xleri, etc, Copied probablj from Demosthenes, 
Oljnth. 3. 15, re 7o> Tp&TTnr rev kty*** *** XW****** tVvsser e> rf 
rtfut wpimpmr rf 9w6jm mU sjsiirreV lm« 

L 3*. maioribns suis. For the constr., c£ note on Cat 35. a, 'idem 
fit cetexis per praetores.* 



t 



*94 JUGURTHINE WAR. 



P. 140, L 4. falaL Ct 10. 1. 

L 10L poeteria quaai lnmen. C£ Jut. 8. 1 38, ' inctpH ipsorum contra 
j te etare parentum | nobilitas claramque facem praeJerre pndori.' 

L 19. in roetro manmio beninoio, 'now that the boon con- 
fcrred on me 11 so great* For the use of 'in* c£ 14. 11, 'in imperio 
▼ostro.' 

L ai. in oonsoientiam duoeret. C£ 8a. 3; tii. 1. 

L aa. «x animi mei eontentia. Thia ia a formnla nsed in impreaaWe 
langnage ; cf. Cic Off. 3. 99» 109, 'non enim fidanm inrare perinrare est, 
sed quod ex animi tni sententia inraris (sicnt verbis condpitnr more 
nostro) id non facere perinrinm est* 

L 33. bene praedioent. ' Bene* in the sense of 'ut bona ▼ideantur,* 
Le.'iftheYtellthetruth the/mnst colonr it imirlj/ C£ note on Cat . 

4'. 5- 

L 14. euperant. An nnnsnal nse for 'refute.' 

L 99. haataa. The 'hasta* is the general name Ibr the spear, the 
characteristic weapon of the old Senrian phalaiu, and degradation from 
the higher classes of that system was called ' censio hastaria/ or forfeiture 
of the spear. The decoratiori took the form of the 'hasta pura/ L e. 
without the metal point. 

phalorae. These were thin platet of gold or siber in reliei, and 
atmng on strips of leather, which were fattened to the trappings of 
the horse, or, in the case of honorary decorations, to the soldicr** 
breastplate, 

alianulitariadona. I.cbracdets('annUlae*), coilars('torques*), 
brooches ffibulae'), crowns fcoronae'), which were wom on special 
occasions of parade or triumphal procesrions. 
1 P. 150, L a. quippe quae, etc So Plutarch in his lite of Marins (a) 

aeys that he would not leamthe langnage and literature of a people 
that had snbmitted to be stares. 
L 4. praeaidinm agitare. Ct $5. 4, 'cohortes . . . praeridium agi- 



I 



I* 



L 8. arte oolam. CC 45. 9. 

L 9. etalo, 'republican,* 'fit Ibr freemen.* C£ Tac Ann. 1. 73, a, 
'non tamen ideo fadebat fidem ciTilia animL' 

L 16. maiorea eorum, etc Cfc Seneca de Ben. 4. 30, 4, 'hic egregiis 
maioribns ortni est: qualiscnnqne est sub umbra snomm later* nt loca 
sordida r ep erou s sn eoUs illustrantur, ita ioertei maiorum snomm luce 



L aa neqno hiatrionem ullum. C£ the description in Snetonins 
of the dinner-parties of Anguatus (74% 'ant acroamata et histriones aut 
etiam trhriake ex droo interponebat ao freqnentius aretalogos;' Jnr. 
ii* i8a 



\ 



NOTRS. CUAPS. 85, 86. 395 

plnrli preti oooum. C£ Livy, 39. 6, 9* * tum coquus vumdmum 
anriqms inandpium et aestimatione et usu, in pretio esse, et qnod minis- 
terinm roerat, ars faaberi coepta,' SaUust probably it thmking of a 
passage of Cato, who said of eariier times, 'equos earins qnam coqnos 
emebant' (A. GelL 11. 1, 5). It is said by tfae Scboliast on Homce 
(Sat i. 1, 101) that Roman gossip wonld faave it that SaUnst himsdf 
hiied a ireedman Dama as his cook fer 100,000 sesterees yearfy. 

L a8. pulverem. Ct Hor. Carm. s. 1, ai, 'videre magnos faun videor 
dnces | non indecoro polrere sordidos.* 

P. 151, L 5. aTaritiam inpdritiam atque superbiam. The three 
fknlts are inteaded to be understood of the three preceding genersJs 
intfaewar. 

L 9. neque. Unnsnal in tfais constrnction ; c£ Prager, 1. 987. 

1. 15. deoebet. For the seqnence of moods d Verg. Aen. s. 54, *d 
fkta deum, si mens non laera fuisset, | impulerat,' etc Caesar avoids i^ 
and Sallnst has it only here. 

L S5. o. 86. ex olaasflms, Le. from tfae five classes of the Serrian 
census, who were coUectively called 'assidui' or 'locupletes.' The 
4 inniores* of these alone, between the age of s evcnteen and forty-efac, 
were called ont to serve in the field. The assessment of tfae fiftb dass is 
varioudy stated as 15,000, 19,500, or 11,000 asses. All below tfais 
were free from military duties. Bnt by the time of Polybius those wfao 
faad more tfaan 4,000 asses were drafted into the legions, and the stQl 
poorer into the fleet The poorest of all were cailed 'capite censi;* 
•qui nullo ant perqnam parvo aere censebantnr' (A. GelL 16. 10, 10). 
In the sodal war Marins went still fnrther and raised levies of 'Ubertini,* 
and in the dvil war he admitted slaves to the ranks. 

L a6. alii inopia bonorum. A cfaange of system was necessary 
if long wars were to be waged in foreign lands. It wonld be min to 
tfae yeoman or trader who was called ont for several years on actire 
service, and something more like a standing army recruited by volunteers 
was a natnml resnlt The Tolnnteers wonld natnrally oome chiefly 
firom the landless and poorer classes. The eariy Empire carried this 
tendency stUi fuTther. 

L 30. cnm pretio. Ctjwr. 3. 183, 'omnia Romae | cnm pretio.' 
For tfae nse of 'cnm* fbr a condition d Iivy, 8. 14, 'Antium nova 
colonia missa cnm eo nt Antiatibns permitteretnr.' 

L 31. maiore numero, quam deoretum erat. It wastherecognited 
right of tfae senate to determine tfae extent and character of thelerks; 
C&84.3. 

L 39. in Afrlnam p ro f eotua. Early in 107 BX. 

F. 102, L s. tolerare neqnlvesm*. He enjoyed, however, s^triumph 
on his retnrn to Rome, and faad tfae title 'Numidicns.' 



I. 



I 



« 



So6 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L 3. e. 87. praeda onuatnm. More naturally applied to the 
raTagers than to the eoantiy imyaged. 

L 4. mflitibus donat. Inttead of telling a part for the use of the 
treasury. 

L 8. libertatem . . . tegL A panage repeated from Cat 6. 5. 

L 14. laxiua. . .futuroe. For the nse of 'ette 1 with adTerb, 
cf. 85. 7« 

L ao. 0. 88. nihil . • . tutum patL Imitated possihly by Tadtus, 
Agric. ao. a, • nihil apud hottet qnietnm patL* It may haTe been sog- 
getted to Sallutt by the chtrsctcr giTen by the Corinthians to the 
Atheniant in Thnc. 1. 70, io, vtfiMCfVos M rf /ufrr« atmtot tx«* t**xfo* 
pJJT* rver dtaovr Mp&wmn Jor. 

L ai. «x aoaUa nottrit. Probably from the commnnitiet that had 
surrendered earlier in the war. The Roman province ittelf doet not 
appear to haTe been moletted. 

L 33. armit exuerat A phrate uted by historiant of a ront in 
which the ragitiTes fling away their arms. 

L 14. belll patrandL CL noteonCat 46. a. The omistion of the 
tnbttantiTe Terb in thit conttruction it Tery unutuaL 

L «7. nudatum. This can hardly be regarded with Krits and othert 
as a snpine with ellipte of ' iri." Jordan snppotet wordt like ' in 
manut Tentnmm * to haTe fidlen out of the text after ' pateretnr.' 

L s8. nam, elliptically, *I speak of Jngurtha rather thsa Bocchut, 
ior ;* cL 8a. a ; Cat 19. a. 

P. 168» L 5. a 80. inter ingentit soUtudinee. Amodem traveller 
(Maltzan, Reite in Tunit) deecribet the way thither from the North at 
not being wearisome or monotonous, but at haTing great beanty of 
coiouring, ▼aried by the harmoniout ontlinei of the distant mountains, 
Mariut, howerer, probably aToided the direct route which leadt through 
a better watered country than hit account impliet, 

L 6. Oapea (the modern Gafta) it the largest of the Oatet of the 
Dtherid, and, coming from the North, the firtt met with. Strabo, 
mentioning it among the ruined dtiet of Numidia, callt it the treatury 
of Jugurtha,butthkUprobablyanuttakeforThala(i 7,0.831). Pliny 
rcckonsit * mterdritatetqnaeetJamnationet iure dici pottunt' (5.4, 30). 
Rettored by Juttmian it became the teat of goremment in Bytadum. 
It hat now a magnificent Ibrettof aoc%ooo palms» and is a liTely market 
Ibr the Arab traders, but it hat no ruint of the past but itt batht, and 
the only mn letemblet a duughiU rather than a place to house risitors 
(Hette-Wartegg , s Tunit, p. *8o). 

L7. Herc4ilecIiiby*,iAtheMeIkar&orBad^onof thePfa 
dans, who like Dionytut it repretented as a oaoqueror and fbunder. 
His traTdt in the Wett mythkally typify the courte of the tuu and the 



$ 



I 



» 



NOTES. CHAPS. 87-91. 997 



extension of the Phoenician colonietwith the cnltusof their great patron 
diyiaity. 

L 8. ^«nn^f. levi imperio. The old towns in the territory 
conqoered by the Numidians weie oocnpied by a Liby-Phoetiician people, 
who retained often their own formt of loetl goyernment nnder theSr 
senate, bntpeid tribnte to the kings,as theyhad done before to Carthage 
in many rstft t 

L 13. egentia aqnae. Thenatnral wayfrom theNorthby Feriana 
foUowsthecoorseof a stre&mandtsof easyacctss. Marinsmost haye 
ttrock across the arid region by a less known ronte. 

infetta. In an actiye sense 'dangerous,' with a modal abl. 
eerpentibna. Cl note on Cat 15. 4. Modern trayeUers find no 
tnch dangers, and regard the description of Sallust as an exaggeration, 
like the 'inter ingentes seUtudines' abore. Gesenins indeed deriyei 
Capsa from Kippot - •serpenVs srJng* (Phocnician), bnt thit teemt 
haiardont. 

1. 19. una modo...ingi aqna. 'Under the Dar-el-bey (the 
royal palace) it the largest of the three tprings to which Gaflfa owet her 
wealth, eyen her yery eadstence, and which, fonning qnite a riyer tll the 
year round, flowt throngh the Oasit, The Arabt,dettrnctiye as they are, 
managed to leaye the Nnmidian batht alone, and they nte the andcnt 
basins, tnrronnded by wallt for bathing purpotet, to thit day ' (Hesse- 
Wartegg^s Tnnis, p. a8i). 

L ai. inonltina agebet. Unnsnal at applied to the land in 55. 3, 
«dritas • .. laeta agere,' bnt there really of people. 

L 39. o. 90. exornat. The nte of this word withont a cate it tome- 
what bold. In 51. 5, and Cat 36. 1, it has an object in the aocus. 
Frendenberg snggests that ' iter ' has been dropped ont of the tezt after 
'proyidenter • from the simiiarity of the latt syUable. 

P. 164, L 1. Laria. Thit town, caUed Ad>nf by Ptolemy, becomet 
AApfiot in Procopius, from the abL case, whence the modem name of 
Lorbos. It Ues on the W. Khaled, between Zama and Sicca. It 
became the 'colonia Aelia Angntta' nnder Hadrian or Pius, and the 
wallt bnUt by Jnstinian and celebrated by Corippnt ttfll lemain. C£ 
Corpnt Inscr. Lat 8. 309. 

1. 4. Tanain. Potsibly the Wady Hatab, which flowt nearly eatt 
and wett at tome dittance to the north of Capta. 

L 15. o. 01. dnnm min«m. Here, at in 106. 5, we haye the form 
• dnnm/ while 79. 1 and Hist. t. 83, Sallust writet 'duorum.' 

L sa. pan • . • in hoetinm poteetate. The eUipte of a p a rt icipl e 
ithamtomewhatbokL Insnchcasethewantof aLatinequiTalentfor^r, 
•tvaisfelt 

L )*. ooegere. Only m this nlace conpled with 'ut'by SaUnst 



398 yUGURTHINE WAR. 

L 34. puberes mterfeoti Tadtns followt thls Tery dosdy (Ann. 13» 
39, 6\ • pnbeiet troddati . . . Tulgns sub corona Tenumdatnm ; reliqua 
praeda Tictoribos cessit' Similsx erents oc curr ed too frequently. 

L 35. id froinua. The historian expresses no moml censure of the 
crudty which there wms nothing except usage to justiry. 

L a8. benindo...oc*rcitum. This is a mere idle phraie, as Rome 
had done nothing to win the affections of the naares. 

L 39. o. 92. non bene oonsulta, 'rash schemes.' 
in Tlrtntem trahebantur. Cf, 85. 36, ' in consdentiam dncere ;* 
83. 3, ' in soperbiam Tortere ; ' 41. 5, • in lnbidinem Tortere.' So Tadtus 
(Ann. 3. 84, 3), ' cnncta etiam fortuita in gloriam ▼ertebat' 

P. 155, L 5. plura. Some partidple or phrase has dropped out of 
thetext A fcw MSS. snpply 'deserta.' 
oonrumpit. C£ 76.6. 

L 1©. Muluoha. Cf. 19. 7. This was to the extreme north-west of 
Numidia, as Capsa was to the far south-east and the march was many 
hnndred miles through a rery difficnlt conntry. 

L 13. in tnmonsnm editus. Copied by Tadtus, Hist 5. n 9 
'colles ia immensnm editos.' 

L 13. nam. This is awkwardly foUowcd by another ' nam,* and the 
tet might weH be omitted. 

L 18. maohinationibns. Equiralent to ' machinis.' 

L 33. adminiatrare. C£ 76. 3, 'opus et administros tutari;' Caesar, 
BelL GalL 7. 81, 3, 'nmdis lapidibns sagittis nostros de tsJIo deturbare 
reliqnaqne qnae ad oppngnationem pertinent administrare.* 

L 38. o. 98. aestuana, A word used for the riolent agitation caused 
by any strong exdtement, and thns conpled with ' taridia,' Cat. 33. 6, 
as by Cicero with ' desiderio ' and ' dubitarJone.' 

Idgna. The Lignrians are mentkned as serving in early days as 
mercenaries of Carthage (Hdt 7. 165, x), and as joining Hannibal in 
his attack on Italy (Polyb. 3. 60). They made a long and obstinate 
rcsistance to the adTances of Rome towards the Alps, and were fonnd 
useful auxiliaries in guerflla warare as in Africa. The Roman poeti 
speak of their hardihood (Verg. Georg. s. 168, 'assnetnmqne malo 
Iigurem*), thdr speed (Silius, It 8. 607, 'pemix Ligus'), *nd their 
craft (Verg. Aen. 3. 700). 

L 31. aaimnm adrortit . . . oooleaa, CL Lncr. 3. 134, 'hocetiam 
magis haec animnm te adTOrtere par est | oorpora.' The oomic poeti 
often ooopled a prononn *ld, ifind,' eto. with 'animnm adTortere,' bnt a 
seoond nonn is a marked exception in prose. 

P. 156* L s. faoinndi . . • The gap was snpplied in eariy. MSS. by 
'aiumumsiiTOilit^frcmaboTe, wbichhowe^ Insome 

the 'adTortit* was oorre ct ed to 'accendit,'*» «nore 



I 



% 



NOTES. CHAPS* 91-95» *99 

L 16. praeatdlo qni foront qnattnor oent n rionos . It has 
been fdt that fonr centurions wonkl be an inadequate escort, and various 
corrections have been proposed. Frontinus, whfle dosely following 
Salltut in the description of the stratagem (3. 7), writes heie 'pancos 
«entnriones qnibns perlectissimos cnm Tdodssimis militibns aeneatores 
immiscaerat;' but this was probablj an attempt of his owa to amend 
the passsge. Dietsch proposes to insert 'milites pancos et* bexore 
'quattuor centnriones.' Jordan wonld insert 'et ' only, or, if any words 
of Frontinnsbeaccepted^^nnUtesperlectissimoset' Enssner snggests 
* centuriatos ' for ' centuriones.' " 

Laao. 84. qui • oentnriis erant The common readmgof the MSS. 
is 'qni centnriis praeerant/ which is a very milikeiy periphxasistor thecen- 
turions. One MS, has 'qni ascensnri erant* Bergk (Rh. Mus. 1865) 
wonld read 'qni snccentnriati craut' The lelathre clanse k possibly a 
marginal note. 

1. ai. pedibns nndis. In the description of the ascent of the party - 
Sallust seems to have before his memory the acconnt ghren by Thucy- 
dides (3. aa, 3) of the Piatacans scaling the besieging lines. 

L 35. laqnei* Tinoiebat, Le. tastened cords to them. 

F. 157, L 3. testudlne. This term is applied (1) to the advance of 
the soldiexs in close order with their shields so locked in front, at the 
sides, and sbove the ▼arious ranks as to resemble the scales of a fish ; 
(a) to the moveable shed protecting a battering-ram, which was covered 
withfreshikinsnotesailysetonnre. For (1) cf. Lhry, 34. 39» * snblatis 
supra capita scutis, continuatisque ita intra sese, nt non modo ad caecos 
ictus, sed ne ad inferendum quidcm ex propinquo telnm loci quidqnam 
esset testudine facta subibant' 

L 14. inerxnes. Note the two difierent forms of the word in the 
samechapter. 

L ao. o. 95. onm xnagno equltatu. The Romans must have fclt 
the pressing need of cavalry in suchcampaigns where the strength of 
the enemy consisted in his rapidity of motement It was commonly the 
weakest arm in their service. HowSdlaeftecteda junctionwithMarius 
at so great a distance from his bsse is unexplained. 

L 94. Ik Biaanaa, L. Cornelius Sisenna (B.c 118-66), ststesmsn, 
orator, and historian, is often spoken of by Cicero as a man of xnark. 
He wrote especially of the social and dril wars, and was thonght by 
Cicero to haTe easily excelled sll earlier writers of history. He criti- 
dses, however, his aftected style frecte loqui putabat esse inusitate 
loquV Brnt 75. a6o), and a certain extraragancc ('puerile qnoddam*) 
which remjnded him of the romantic Clitarchus (De Leg. 1. 97). The 
extracts qnoted by grsmmarisns show his love of archaic phxases^ and 
espedaUy of nnnsnal adrerbs in ••**, like 'cdatim,' 'vellicatiaV «aaU 



V 

h 



300 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

tuatim,' et&» and thii may have led him to study Plautus, oo whom he 
alto wrote commentaries. 

L 37. nobilla. This is not a pleonasm after * patridae/ as those 
families only were noble which had boine cnmle offices. The Come- 
lian 'gens' had at this time seven patrician families, a larger nnmber 
than any other. Of these the 'Sullae' were the least known. 

L «8. extinota. Little seemed known of his ancestors since P. Cor- 
nelins Rufinus, who was consul nearly soo years before, and was ezpelled 
firom the senate, as Plutarch tells us, for having more than ten pounds of 
sflverplate. 

L 31. niai quod introduces an exception to a general statement, but 
it is not clear in what way Sulla's conduct as to marriage conneTions is 
to be understood. Nipperdey (Rh. Mus. 1874) would reject the clause, 
as he can find nothing recorded in regard to any of Sulla's fi ve wives to 
illnstrate the remark. It may be possibly explained» however, by 
Plutarch (Sulla, 36), 0* /tfr 4AAA «o2 Totfnyr (his wifc Valeria) I xw Jvi 
rji olxlas mwfy plpoa yvm^l *ul KtQapterptau. 

L 32. ad ajmntandft. Nipperdey and Dietsch suggest the alteration 
to 'dissimulanda,' as better suiting the context 

P. 158» L s. anto oivilem Yictoriam. CC VelL Paterc s. 17, 1, 
'Sulla vir qui neque ad finem victoriae satis landari neqne post victoriam 
abunde vituperari potest' 

L 3. fortior an feliolor. He is said to have prided himself upon his 
good fortune, to bave himself taken the epithets of 'Felix' and 'Epa- 
phroditus,' and to have named his twin-children • Faustns* and ' Fausta.* 

L d. o. 96. in Afrioam atque, Le. into the provmce. and then on to 
the camp wbich was beyond the frontier. 

L 7. ignarna bellL Probably an exaggeration, as the career of every 
Roman noble implied some military experience. 

L is. illi should be strictly 'sibV as HisL £. 11, 'Lucullus pecuniam 
dedit ne illi succederetur.' 

L 14. multus ade t ae. CL note on 84. 1. 

P.159, L 1. 0.97- et» following 'simnl,' denotes the inunediate sequence 
ofthefiutrecoidedontheforegoingevent. CLTac Anu. 4. 25, a, 'simul- 
qne coeptus dies • . . et aderant semisomnos in barbaros.' 

L 3. ■*!■"■, Le. the trumpet call, as Cat 60. 1, * tuba signum dat' 

L 9. latrooinio magia auam proelio. C£ Tac Ann. ia. 39, 3, 
'crebta hinc proelia et saepiut m modum lairodniL* 

L 14. ▼etoree norlque. The passage as* it stands seems hopeless, 
for 'obeasdenteibelli'cannot be rekted to 'noviqne.' It would be 
.much afanpkr to remd with Wolfflin *novi veteretque,' or to belleve 
that ■omething has dropped out, and that the words in question havt 
been snppMed ia thebr place from 87. 3. 



NOTES. CffAPS. .95-100. 30X 

«• 

L 15. orbia faoere, Le. to fonn aqnare in doie order to xepel the 
assailants. C£ Veget i. ati, ' tabetur etiam, ut instroant orbea, quo 
genere, enm via hoetium interraperit adem, resisti ab exerdtatia militibas 
consuerit, ne omnit multitndo rand&tur in ragam.' 

L 18. 0. 98. turma tua. Equivtlent to the 'prtetorit cohors.' At 
thit oontitted lirgdy of honemen, the tenn ' tannt,' though imrdy tp- 
plied, it not intppropriate. Ct note on Cat 60. 5. 

I. a$. oam temen . . . remlttere. An imntaml form of the hittoric 
infin. with the conjnnction. C£ note on 70. 5. 

L 39. qu&erebmt The MSS^hmre Ttrious remdings, * egebmt,' * rege- 
bmt,' 'gerebmt,' 'rogmbmt' 

L 31. neque minui hottibut oonturb&tii. Mtdrig de Fin. Exc. 3 
rejectt the expltnttion of Xrits thtt 'neqne' it nted here, tt by Uter 
writert, in the tente of ' ne quidem,' tnd regmrds it tt t ctrdett nte of the 
copulttive when the constrnction wts chtnged to tn tbL tbs. ftom 
' qanm militei disperti ettent nec minnt hottet contnrbttL' 

P. 160, L 3. pleruznque noottm. Thit mty htve snggetted to Ttd- 
tnt the night ecene, Ann. 1. 65, 1, ' nox per diversm inquies, cnm btrbtri 
fettit epalit lneto ctntn mut trad tonore sabiecta Ttlliam tc resaltmntes 
ttltat complerent ; apad Romanot invmlidi ignet mterroptme voces.' 

L 4. quin non fugermnt pro Tiotoribnt agere. Cfc Livy, ai. 9, 1, 
'quum • • . Poenns, qait non viciseet pro victo ettet' 

L 6. hortemento, for 'hortatione.' Cl the nte of the tame tenninm- 
tion in 'manimentnm,* ' turbtmentum,' ' dehonettmmentum,' * ddenimen- 
tum/ which oocar in Stllnst 

L 9. e, 00. uti por vigiliat. Theblastofdther 'tnba'or'bocdna' 
between the wntchea. Iivy (7. 35, 1) speakt ofthe 'secandae vigilime 
bacdna datom aignum.' Lncan 8. 34, 'ne rompite tomnot | ca atr o iuin 
vigiles, nollat taba Terberet mnree.' 

L 11. oohortium, i.e. of the allied contingenta, here disringnishcd 
firom the cohorts of the legiona. 

L ai. o. 100. ooeperat in hibernm. There is a gap here tn the text 
which haa been vmrioualy sapplied by 'it,* ' profidsdtur,' etc. The *in 
hiberna' are posdbly toggested only by 97. 3. Nipperdey thinkt a 
Terb nnnecesttry, mnd oompares 'Caesar in Campaniam' of Tmc Ann. 
4. 57, 1, and wonld inaert 'nam' before 'propter' (Rh. Mua. 1874). 

L aa. in oppidit maritumit. Perhapt Sallost meant of the Rommn 
province, as he maket Marint take Cirta- on hit way, bot the whole ao- 
coont of thtt campaign it abtnrd in the extreme. Mmriut it r e prcte nted 
aa near Cirta at the doae of the sammer, tt then mtrching by Ltres to 
Capta and back again to the extremeet pointtothe north-westo^omidia, 
and retnrning by Cirta to the coatt besore the winter, to aay nothing of 
ticgetandbattles. ThedlstnneemloM uenormous. 1 1 u probable that 



» 

l, 

1 



303 JUGURTHINE WAR. 



■i 



Sallust has confused thc operatione of two dittinct years, for Marins went 
oot in 107 and did not return till 105, and tbere waa nothing to detain 
himafter thecaptureof Jugurtha. . 

L 24. quadrato agmine. Cp. note on 46. 6. It does not appear to> 
be qnite the aame at the nte in Lhry, who appliea it to the advance of 
three linea at right anglea, withont preparation for attack on the rear. 
Ct Marquardt, Staatsverwaltnng, a. 410. 

L 35. dextumoe. An nnnanal euperlative which Featna apeaka of aa 
obsokte, and which was probably copied from the older writera. 

L 31. oogebat We may anpply an infin. from the ' intentus/ aa Livy, 
1. ao, 3, 'raptim qnibna quiaqne poterat elatis.* 

L 3*. iter faoere ia in the infin., becanae it ia connected by the 
'neque aecna atqne' with the historic infin. 'mnnire.' In calmer atyle 
both verbs would be m the impert 

«zoubitum in portaa. Thia aeema at an earlier period to have 
been the dnty of the ' velites,* who had no aettled place in the camp, but 
thongh mentioned in this war, they aoon diaappear. 

P. 161, 1. a. dinldentia futurum. Thia uae of 'futnrum ' for 'fore * 
with a plural ia illuatrated in A. GelL 1. 7, 8 by aeveral paaaagea from 
the older annalists, and would be here an archaiam. The better MSS. 
have 'raturi,' which would naturally follow the subtt 'diffidentia»' 
whote verbal meaning would extend to the object ' quae imperavisset* 
Jordan thinka the original may have been 'diffidens factum hi,' 

L 3. rolentibua eaaet. Cf. note on 84. 3. 

L 5. malo, 'puniahment' Cf. Livy, 4. 49, 10. Jordan auggests 'metu.' 

L 7. habnltee, with a double construction aa taken with 'consuetam' 
(cfc 85. 7) and ' voluptati* 

L 9. o. 101. quarto denique die. The atarting-point ia not epe- 
dfied. It can hardly be the fort on the Mulucha, aa that was aeveral 
hundred milea away. 

L 18. turmatim. Ct note on 49. a. 

L 34. inradunt. Cf. Cat. 43. x, 'Lentulna cum ceteria • . . conati- 



L 3». in peronlaoa . . . inoedere. An unuanal conatruction, for in 
the paaaage of Iivy, 9. ai, a, which ia quoted in ubutrauon, 'infestior 
tamen in emmpentes mceanV the verb may poaaibly be 'inceeeere,* not 



P. 102, L 1. aberant Jordan auspecta that 'aberat' was in the 
text But c£ Lhy, 8. 3», 8, 'nec procul tcditionc aberant' 

L 3. adeptam. C£ note on Cat 7. 3. 

L 7« hoatee iam undique fuat Oroaint (5« 15) haa a diatinct ae- 
count of thiaetmggle, which latted threedaya ; hc rcprcacnts the condition 
ofthcRotna»aaatoi>ethnealmosthopcles^ 



NOTES. CRAPS. 100-103. 303 

fbrtone of heavy rains. Tbe description of tfae 6ght ia Tac Agr. 37. a 
has been thought to be bonowed firom thli chapter, •tum vero patenti- 
bos lods giande et atrox spcctacnlnm. Sequi, Tulnerare, capere, atqoe 
eosdem oblatis aliis traddarc' 

L »9. o. 102. inopt A word here meaninglrss, and which may be 
rejected as probablj a corruption of the preceding 'indpio.' Selling 
mggests •imperi' in its stead. 

1. 30. rati, agreeing with 'Romani/ nnderstood in 'popnlo Romano.' 

1. 33. parentee. Cf. note on 3. s. 

P. 168, L 5. eoilioet Parenthetieal, not as m 4.6, where it takes an infin, 

L 13. undo ri Ingnrtha expnlerit, as thongh Bocchns had at some 
time anoexed by force the part of Knmidia which adjoined his own 
kingdom, and were now in arms to defend it. If Marins be taken as the 
snbject to the ▼erb, the reference mnst be to the eastern regions iar away 
firom Manretania. 

L 14. Taatari . . . pati noqnlYiaae. A rare combination of three 
mfinittas. CL Iivy, 4. 41, 1, 'credere pexnimpi potaJssc' 

L 16. aotntnm. A correction of Jordan ior *ac tnm' of the MSS. 
The word isfonnd in Iiry, 39. 45, 7, in ofiicial langnage, and in the older 
drama, as afterwards in Vergil (Aen. 9. 154). It seems to hare become 
obsoletc thongh retamed for a while in pnblic docnments. Ct Jordaa» 
Xrit Beitr. p. 350. 

1. 17. oopia faota, •after free intercoorsc' 

1. 93. o. 103. Tnrrim regiein. The Nnmidian kings seem to have 
set up a royal palace in man y of the old Iiby-Phoenician towns, to some 
of which the epithet of 'regia' clnng in consequence, like Zama, 
Bolla, etc 

perfngaa omnia pra eai dinm, 'a garrison oonsisting whoUy of 
deserters.' Cl Tac Ann. 1. 43, 7, 'hunc ego nnntinm patri laeta omnia 
aliis e prorindis andienti feram;' Iiry, si. 33, 7, 'castra inter confira- 
gosa omnia . . . locat* 

1. S5. renerant, equivalent to 'e*snerant' C£ 4. 4. 

L 36. ex omni oopia. A whole class of MSS. omit the longpassage 
from these wordi to 'pacem vellet' of 1 la. 3, which mnst have beeniost 
from thc parent MS. 

L*8. ai plaoeat . . . inbet For the seqnence of tenaesc£Cat45.a, 
the only other case in which the pres. conj. of a secondary clanse pre- * 
cedes the historic present of a primary sentence. Cf. Drager, 1. 909. 

1. 99. Romem legatoa iro. Bocchns had leamed enough of 
Roman character to know that he oonld only saiely deal with the senate, 
if the terms were high on which he proposed to treat 

F. 164, L a. merltL For thia, which seemr ont of place, Gerts sng* 
gests 'Teriti' 



1 



1 



1 

1. 



304 JUGURTHINE WAR. 

L a. adonrate. Cf. 16. 3. 

L 5. largitio. Often nscd in tfae lenie of bribery. Cf. Cic de Orat. 
a. »5, 105, 'raro illnd datnr nt possis UberaUtatem et benignitatem ab 
ambitn atqne largitione sdnngere.* 

• L 6. nial paxiter Tolena, Le. ' pntabatnr,' ' witbont being thought as 
Idnd-bearted at he was UberaL' 

L 9. boniTolentiae eeae, Le. to implj tbat be waa well dispoeed to 



L 13. o. 104. qno intenderet. CL 64. 1, ' eodem intendere ;' 74. 1. 
'qnocnmqoe intendemt' 

L 16. eenatoril ordinJa, Cf. note on 6s. 4. 

L ai« Manri . . . trea . . • dno. An nnnsnal case of appodtion, as 
there are distinct verbs conpled with ' tres ' and 'dno.' 

L sa. qnaeator attpendlnm. It was the especial dnty of the 
qnaestor at Rome to make the necessary payments from the treasnry to 
the execothre in accordance with instrnctions fVom the senate; the 
qnaestor attached to each proTindal govemor was paymaster to the 
troops and the offidal staff. 

L 26. depreoati aunt, 'nrged in exeuse. 9 
aTnloitiam et foedue. Bocchns certainly demanded some more 
solid advantages in retnrn for his treachery to Jngnrtha, bnt Roman 
▼anity draws the reil ortr these mean traffickings. 

P. 166, L 1. e. 106. peditnm, item fniidltornrn. Aa the 'sagit- 
tarii' and 'Paeligni' were infantry the word 'peditnm* is ont of place» 
and Madvig proposes to omit it. 

L 2. oohora Paeligne» The Paeligni were in the monntainons 
conntry near the Lake Fudnns. Their chief dty was chosen as the 
capital of the seceders in the Sodal War. The detachment in qnestion 
wonld be wdl fitted for serrice in the mgged tracta of Numidia. 

▼elitaribna armia. These were a sraaller shield, ahorter jarelins, 
and the Spaniah sword (Liry, 26. 4, 5), which were no less efiectual than 
others against the Numidians, 'neqne secas atqne aliis armis mnnitL' 

L 16. o. 106. inoerto Toltu. Used also by Cicero (pro Qnentio 19) 
Ibr a look of alarm. 

L sj. quoe dnoeba*. For this mdic. in oratio obliqua, ct Cat 14. 
7; 17. T.ctc 

L 1$. atatim mflUee oanatoa eaae. Possibly it may be better to 
transpose the comma and connect *in castris* with 'ignia.' It is 
donbtful whether • cenatos esse* can poasibly be explained as following 
«inbet^mthesenseof^bidatnmnntsh thdr meaL* and it seems better 
to tafce both •esse 9 and •fieri* aa historic mfinitras expressing the 
Tavry of the ptoceedings. A bolder ezplanation stiU is proposed by 
Constans (p. 159)» who takei 'statim caenatos esse' aa a rektivt clause» 



NOTES. CHAPS, 103-IIO. 305 

•as ioon as they had sopped,* on which the 'ignis fieri' inunediately 
followed. For the mixture of historic infinitives with iudicative moods 
we may comperc 98* s. 

1. a6. prima rlgilia. There were fbtir watches, etch of three hours. 

F. 166, Li.o. 107. ab iniuri*. . . prohibet, 'screens from violence.' 
For the ceostroction, cf. as. 4 ; 45. 3. 

L a. panois . . . pngnatnm. A dative with passive partic, after the 
analogy of 'cognitum,* ' compertum,' etc ; cf. 70. s, 'ex qno illi gloria 
opesqne inventac' 

1. 1©. no. In sdversative sense following s negative, ss Csesar, 
Bell. GalL 4. 35, 9, 'impetum hostes ferre non potnernnt nc terga 
vertemnt. 

1. 18. aooiderant For the nse of this verb with s person, cf. 88. 6. 

1. 30. o. 106. oonsnltS) eeee omnJn, etc This msy be 'that he 
(Boochns) wss keeping strictly (to the letter) the terms of the agree- 
ment with him ' (Sulla). Nagelsbach (a8. i\ however, compares Cic 
Legg. s. 4» 9» 'vim non habere sd recte facta vocsndi et a peccstis 
avocandi,' where the psst psxticiples have a rature sense, and so inter- 
prets 'consulta;' ct also Tac Hist a. 4, 3, *magnis consnltis annnere 
deam.' We shonld in that csse transiate ' that he was leserving the whole 
qnestion for consideration.' This wonld be snpported by Tacitus, Ann. 
4. 40, x, 'cum tempns tsnqnam ad integram consnltationem petivisset' 

1. 33. quo rea oonmnnis lloentins gerorotur. Epexegeticsl of 
'legatum,' 'recdved nnder cover of arranging matters in concert with 
greater freedom,' i.e. to Inll the snspicions of Jugurtha, Some MSS. 
introduce 'illum accitnm' before 'quo' to make the passage smoother. 
Dietsch and Jordan believe that words have slipped out of the text 
Thomss boldly reads 'quo [ad oolloquinm ezhibito fore uti] res,' etc, 
without any MS. authority. 

F. 167, L a. attinuisse, 'kept in suspense;' b or rowed firom the 
language of the comic poets by Sallust and Tacitus. 

1. 15. 0. 100. sanotns rir. So VelL Paterculus speaks of Mariui as 
•vita sanctus/ and of Pompehu as 'sanctitate praecipuus.' 

L ai. e. 110. fuerit mihi eguisse aUouando, etc. 'I grant that 
my temporary need has been the price I have hsd to pay for your 



L 95. redditain gratlam. The usual idiom is 'referre gratiam,' 
but 'leddere benificium;' yet Tacitus, Hist a. 48, 3, 'ut pro incolumi 
tota domo ne hanc quidem sibi gratiam redderet' 

L 33. egredlar. With aoc here, generaUy with abl., and Cat 49. 4 
with'ex'andabt 

F. 166, 1. s. haud. Only here with partic, generally in Sallust with 
adjectives and adverbs. 

X 



/ • 

h 



• . 



1 



3o6 yUGURTHME WAR. 

L 8. a. UL ooplam Iugurthae haberet. Unusaal idiom fo? ' Jug. 
tradendi cop. hab.' 

1. xo. partem, quam mmo peteret. The real object of Bocchus is 
here admitted. He doubtless coveted the west of Numidia, and was 
leadj to accept it either trom Jugurtha or the Romans as the price 
of his alliance. 

* L 14. Xft&fgfttae. C£ note on 11. 4. 

1. 15. ou 112. pftoem oonTentam, for 'pacem quae conYenit* as 
in 38. 10. 
L 39. in poteetfttem habuisaet. A compressed constmetion for 

• got into his power and kept»' as Caesar, BelL CW. x. 35. a, ' qno faciKus 
omne Hadriaticnm mare in potestatem haberet ;' and Cicero* pro L. 
Man. xa. 33, 'qnnm vestros portns in praedonnm tuisse potestatem 
sdatis;' Tac Hist. x. 87» 1, *in costodiam habitos.' C£ Constans, 

F99- 
P. 160, l. 9. o. 118. qnfto eeilioet. The ' qnae' refera to the ▼aried 

gest ur e s and expression described in 'roltu corporis . • • wins.' For 

the oonstr. of ' sdticet,' cf» note on 4. 5. 

L 17. Ingurth* 8ollao Yinotua traditur. Snlla is said to have 

been so prond of this stratagem as to have the scene engmred npon 

a signet-ring, an act of ▼aingloty which estranged Maiina trom him 

(Plntarch,Snlla3X 

L 19. o. U4. por idom tempue, Le. 105 b.c. Oct 6 was the date 
of the great disaster. 

Oalloa, L e. the Cimbric and Tentonic hordea which had wandered 
xrom thdr homes a few years before, probably from the low conntries 
between the Elbe and the Baltic, and repeatedl y shattered the Roman 
armies. Eighty thonsand sokhers are said to bare tallen (Lhr. Ep. 67) 
in the last defeat, due partly to the jealoasies and rashness of the two 
generals. The name Galli ia wrongly applied by Sallnst to the in- 
vaders, while Strtbo (4. 4, 3) and Tacitna (Germ. 37. a) cali them 
Germana. It has been thought mdeed that the Cimbri might be Celts, 
because the Welsh call themserves Cymry, bnt Plntarch wys the Ger- 
mans gave the name to them as robbers (possibly ' Kampter ' - ' Sghtea '). 
The statements of the andents on the snbject are quite vague and 
xantastic, and we can only snppose that they were all of Germaa mce, 
ainee they came probably from the north of Europe, and for some cen- 
taries thftt mce was on the more towaids the south» 

L aa. prona» equivalent to 'tadtta.' Cl Tac Agric, 33. 4» 'omaia 
prona victoribus.' 

L 33. OftUis pro aahxte, CL Tac Agric. 16. 3, '(Romani) secari 
pro salnte de gloria certabant.' Notmerely atthegteat diaastef ofthe 
ftUies ia 390 iXy which was obsenred aa a black>letter day in the 



\ 
1 



NOTES. CNAPS. 111*114. 307 

Roman calendar, but in later invasions and alarms of 'Gallic tnmult' as 
it was called, and especiaUy at the battle of Sentinnm in the Third 
Samnite War. 

poatqtuun beltam in Numidia oonfeotum. Marins went to 
Africa early in 107 B.C. and retnrned at tbe end of 105. There was 
little for him to do in the province after the captnre of Jugurtha, as we 
hear of no special arrangements for its organixation, and ihe war therefore 
was probably not ended till 105. Sallust speaks indeed of only one 
winter in which the anny retired to its qnarters ("hibema/ 100. i), bnt 
the marches described were far too long for a single autumn. * 

1. 25. oonsul absena fnotos oai. ThU was a donble irregnlarity. 
Cnstom reqnired a candidate for the consulship to be at Rome to gire 
in his name ('profiteri*), and there was a constitutional interval of ten 
years required before the consnlship could be held a second time. The 
elections must hare been very late m 105, as the news would not reach 
Rome till late in October. 

L »6. oonsnl trinmphaTit. A most unusual combination in the last 
century of the Republic. The consuls commonly remained in Rome, 
and took the command of the armies only as proconsnls. Inthisabrupt 
close Sallust says nothing more of the mte of Nnmidia and its king. In 
aocordance with the heartless custom of the age Jugurtha was exposed 
to yiew in the triumphal procession, and then lung inlo the dungeon to 
perish of stanration. Yet he had made a gallant struggle for the inde- 
pendence of his country, and the bad mith was wholly on the Roman 
side. Bocchns gamed tbe prise which he had coreted, and was aUowed 
to annes tbe region between the Mulncha and the Ampsaga. 



X 2 






1 



/h 



INDEX OF PERSONS, PLACES, AND LAWS 

Reftrrtd t§ 4m tki IntnducHm and Afrto. 



Acflian Laws, a6fc a6e> 

Adherbal, 440. 

L. Aemilius Paulus, so, ai6, ^73. 

Afri, 348. 

AUobroges, sx, 115, 333, ^64. 

Amiternum, 1. 

Ampsaga, 307. 

Ancyranam Monumentum (auto- 

biographical inaeription of Au- 

gustus), 184, 196, 270. 
Antias, Q. Valerius (annalist, 100- 

80 B.C.), 6. 
Antipater, L. Caelins (historian in 

the age of tbe Graccbi), la, 1 71. 
C. Antonius Hybrida, 198, aox. 
M. Antonius, 198, 337« 
M. Antonius Creticus, 205. 
Appian (of Alexandna, historian, 

snd century), aia, 313* 374. 
Apuleius, L. (of Madaura, and 

century), aa8. 
Aquae Sextiae, 37« 
Aratotle, 184. 
Arpinum, aoy, a8a. 
Arretinm, aoa. 
Asconius, Q. Pedianus (commen- 

tator on Cicero, ist century), a, 

3, 17, 188,190,195,108. 
Asculum, Siege of, a8x* 
Asinius Pollio, 15. 
Ateius Philologus, 5. 
Atlas, Mount, 31, 37, a^o. 
Augustine, St, 179. 
Aurelian, 3. 
Aurelius, Victor (historian, 4U1 



tunr), 178, 196. 
l Mc 



Aures, Mount, 37. 



Autronius. See Paetus. 
Aventine, Mount, i8a, 348» S63. 
Avienus, Fcstus (^th centnry), 7.. 

Bagradas (now Medjerda), 33, 33, 

a.<9» 185. 
Barth, H. (Travels), 391. 
Beecher, F. W. (Expedition to 

North Africa), 155. 
Becsly, Prof, 35 n. 
Bellona, Temple oC aoow 
Bentley, Dr. IL, 117. 
Berbers, the, 31, a^x. 
Bergk, Th., a^o, 199. 
Bernays, ayo. 

L. Calpurnius, aoo. 

L. Calpumius (the grand- 

son), 317. 
Binsfeld, J„ 187. 
Blakesley, J. W. (Four Months in 

Algena), ^57. 
Bocchus, 8, 29, 41, 355, 304, 307. 
Bogud, 41. 
Booiilcar, a66. 
Bruce, James (Travela), S41. 
Byiadum, 36, ^48, aji, 354. 

• 

Caelius, M., *6, x88. 

Caesar, J., 17, 18, a^, 41, and 

Calama, a6jr. 

Calpurnia, Lex de ambttn, 16. 

Cambe, 34, 35. 

Camerinum, aoi. 

Capsa, 9, a88, 396» 

Capua, »04, 305. 



*3 



/i i 



3io 



INDBX. 



Carthage, a8, 35, 40, M5» »5* 

190. 
Censras, Dioo (historian, and ctn- 

tnry), 1 i*. »94- 
Cassias, Longinus, 198, »04. 
Cmssins» Sp„ aij, 364. 
Caatnloncnsis saltua, 193« 
Cttaba t**" 1 "*, 354. 
Cato, M. (the Censor), 11, 173* 

175, i8a, 337, 341, s6s, 393* 
Cato, M. (theStok), 34, 194, 337, 



a8j. 
itnlu 



Catulus, Q. Lntatins, aio, 319, 

aai, 359. 
Candine Forks, the, a68. 
Censors, the, 199. 
Cerdna. x, 

Cethegua, C, 190» aoa, aao. 
Chaiistns (gimmmarian, 4U1 cen- 

ChekftVR., 33. 

Cicero, M., 17, 19, ao, 173, and 

Crmbri, 43, a6i, 306. 

Cindns Alimentus (historisn, 

praetor aio B.c), 181. 
Cinna, L. Cornelras, aio. 
Cirta (now Constsntine), 7, 34, 

198, 139, 356, 391. 
Gaudius Quadrigarius (annaUst, 

100-80 B.c), 171. . 
Clodius, P., a. 
Coloniae, 190. 
Colnmna rostrata, 171, 378. 
Ctmrtmwt^ l. (<k Sermone Sallnst- 

iano), 185, 330, 379, 304, 305. 
Cornelia Gena, 300. 
Cornelia Lex, aoa. 
Comelins, C, sai. 
Comelins Nepoa, 338. 
Corssen, W. C Anssprache n, Vokal- 

ismns der latdn. Sprache\ 171, 

174» 180» 181, 183, 183, 187, 

a» ns^sja sbjm^a ^B^BBftsNPav^pa^ 

Cotta, L. Aurdina, 16. 

Craasns, M. Iidnras, 17, ao, 191, 

303, 314, aai. 
Cnrins.Q^su. ' 
Cyrenja, 390» 



Dama, 395. 
Damasippns, 335. 
DemosUienes, 5, 337, 363, 393. 
Dietsch, R., 173, 177, 179, 187, 

193, 196, 197, 307. 
Diomedes (grammarian, 4U1 cen- 

tury), 334, 335. 
Dionysins ot Halicamassns (histo- 

rian, early in ist centuryX **8« 
Doderlein, L, aa6. 
Donatns Aelius (grammarian, 4U1 

centnry), 346, 377. 
Drager, A. (Hiat Synt), 188, 189, 

ai8, aao, aao, 338, 383, »89, 

*9°» *95« 
Drumann,.W. (Geacbichte Roms), 

313. 

Emporia, 35. 
Ennius, Q., 181, 346. 
Etruria, ao, aoa, 303. 



Fabia, 188. 

Q. Fabins Allobrogicns, 315. 

Q. Fabins Maximus, 183, 337. 

Q. Fabins Pictor (bistorian, bom 
circa 353 B.C.), i8a. 

Fabri, E., 186, 187, 188, 197, ai6. 

Facsulae, 20, 317. 

Farine Ch. (Les Kabyles), 356. 

Feriana, 397. 

Festns, Sek. Pompdns (gramma- 
rian, probably of and centnry, 
eacerpts from Vemns Flac cn s), 
188, 190, au, 331, 333, s6i, 

ayo, 374. 
Flaccns, L. Valerins (anthor of 

Law in 86 B.C.), 19, 309. 
Flaccns, L. Valerins (defended by 

Cicero 59 B.C.), ai8. 
Flaminia Gens, aio. 
Flaminia, Lex mmussolreDdi, ao8. 
Floma (bist epitom. and centnry), 

180. 
Fontdns, M., 316. 
Fregdlae, 348. 
Frendenbers^ 397* 
Friediander, L. (Sitttngeachkhte 

Roms),aa4. 



. 1 



INDEX. 



31* 



Frontinna, Sex. Juliua (writcr 00 

atrategy, xst century), 299. ' 
Fronto, M. Cornelius (rbetor. and 
itnry), 171, 185. 



Gabinian bill, 214. 

Gabiniua, M., 188, 205. 

Gaetnli, 36, 251. 

Gains (autbor of Institutes, and 

century), 263. 
Galba, C, 269. 
Gauda, 41. 
Gellius, A. (antiquarian critic and 

century), 4, 14. 175. >*+ «**. 

IOO, 202, 20Q, 2I7 9 222, 24OW 

Gellins, L., 193. 

Gennda Lex, 108. 

Gergaahitea, tbe, 34. 

Gergia, 2x9. 

Gertz, 303. 

Geaeniua, 254, 280; 297. 

Graccbi, the, 10, 27, 31, 177» 190, 

204, 271. 
Giaeoostasis, 215. 
Grundel, Fr. (Quaeationes Sallnst- 

ianae), 172, 181. 
Gnluaaa, 240. 

Hadrian, 12. 

Hadrumetnm (now Suna), 254. 

Hanpt, BL, 2x1. 

Herculea, 36, 251, 296. 

HerodotnaJ\33, 37, 40, 173, x8x, 

199, 248, 254, 200. 
Heaae- Wartegp, Cbev. de, (Tnnia), 

33. «59. 8» »97- 
Heyne, C 226. 

Hiempsal, 28, 36, 250. 

•Hieronymus (St Jerome), 187. 

Hilarus. 201. 

Hippo Diarrbytas (now Biierta), 



.34.254. 
Hfow 



ippo Regiua (now Bona), 245, 

354- 
Homer, 184. 

Ibn Kbaldoun (Hiatoire des Ber- 
bem),249. 



Ihne, W. (History of Rome), 331, 

262, 264. 
Isidoms (7U1 century), 232. 
Isocratea, 249. 



{ebueitea, the, 34. 
ordan, HL, 180, 196, 202. 
Joahua, 34. 

250. 

tad/assim* 
Brutua, 20O. 
D. Juniua Stlanua, 201, 210, 222. 
JuYenal, 171, 272, 282, 285, 294. 



joanua,34. 
Tnba, 41, 198, 
Tngnrtba, 28, 1 
D. Jnniua Brut 



Kabylea, tbe, 32, 38, 40. 
Kortte, G. (Cortina), 203, 240. 
Kritx, Fr, X72, 176, 184, 185, 208, 
212. 

Lactantiua (3rd century), 3, 4. 
Laeca, M. Pordua, 21, 22, 202. 
Larea (now Lorbmri, 297. 
Latinum nomen, 208. 
Lenaeua (freedman of Pompeios), 

2, 11. 
Lentulna. See Sura. 
Leo Africanna (Geog. Hietory of 

Africa, tr. by Pory), aso, 
Leptis, magna (Lebda), minor 

(Lemta), 34, 245, 254, 255, 289. 
Lewis, Sir G. C, 182. 
Iibyea, 251. 
Liby-Phoenicians, 35, 389 284, 

„ *?7. 303. 

Iicmian lawa, 266, 271. 

Iigurea, 298. 

Iivy, ix, 16, 172, 185, aiid /e«ri«v. 

Lucan, 240, 252, 290. 

Lncretina, 298. 

Lncnllue, L, 293. 

Luadue, L., 2x2, 

Macaulay, Lord, 172. 

Macer, C. Iidnina (annaiiet, trib. 

pl. 73 B.c.) 6. 
Macrobius, A. A. (fth centnry), 3, 

4»ao2. 
Madrife J. N, 188, 272, 276; 279. 

292, 301. 



■ 



S 

u 

f. 



t 

t' 
H 

1 

\ 

m 

H 

% 



3" 



MDEX. 



Mago,38. 

Maltza "~ 



tzan (Reise in Tunit u.Tripoli\ 
352, 2?6 t 396. 
Mamertinus Carcer, 331« 
Mancinus, C. Hostilius, a68. 
Manilian bill, the, 191, 305« 
A. Manlius Torquatus, sa8. 
T. Manlius Torquatus, 314. 
M. Manlins Capttolinos, 363. 
C Manlius, 30, 31, aoa 
Marcellus, M., 186. 
Q. Mardus Rex, 304. 
Marius, C, 8, 11, 38, 31, 43, 190. 

Marins Gratidianns, 18, 178. 

Marocco, 37. 

Marquardt, Joachim (Rtimische 

Staatsverwaltung), 301. 
Maschouasch, 37, 38. 
Mstinissa, 38, 40» 41, 339, 943, 

246, 250, 254. 
Massaesyli, 38, 37. 
Mfl tfiliflt aoo* 
Massyli, a8, 37, 40, 339. 
Mastanabal, 340. 
Manretania, 355. 
Mauri, 37, 353. 
Maxyes, 37, 38. 
Medes, 36, 353. 
Medjerda. SeeBagradas. 
Medrassen, 343. 
Melcarth,3^, 351, 15«. 
Memmius, C, 347, 360. 
M. Metellus, ao, 33. 
Q. Metellns Numidicus, 9, ao, 30, 

305, 373, 375, 395. 
Q. Metelius Celer, 305. 
Midpsa, 38, 39, 340, 341, 359. 
Malo.3, 300. 
Mithridates, 178; warswith, 309, 

393. 
Mognreb, 31. 

Mommscn, Th., 366, 373, 381. 
Morers, D. F. (Dio Phoenixier), 

w 3* J5». «5* H9- 
Mulucha, 10, 38, 37, 333, 398. 

Muhrius Pons, 318. 

Mummius, I*, 185« 

Munkipia, 190. 



Murena, C. Lidnius, 317. 
Murena, L., 19, 301, 310» 
Muthul, 376. 

Nagelsbach, C F. (Lateinische 
. Stilistik), 197, 305. 
Narbonensis, pror., 317. 
Nepos. See Comelius. 
Nero, Tiberius, 333* 
Nerva, 3* 
Nipperdey, C, 183, 303» 3 11, 313, 

300, 301. 
Numantia, 341, 368, 383. 
Numidians, the, 37, 353. 

Oases, thc, 37. 
Opimius, L* 304, 348, 363. 
Oran,3i. 
Ordni, sjr. 

Orosias(hist epitom.5th century), 
3, 6, 188, 354, 366, 383, 303. 

Paeligni, 304. 

Paetus, P. Autronius, 16, 191. 

Papiria Lex, 308. 

Parker, J. H. (Archaeology of 

Rome), 331. 
Parthians, the, 344. 
Paulus. See Aemilius. 
Pellissier (Exploration de 1'Al- 

gcrie), a88. 
Persae, 36, 353. 
Perseus, 183, 383, 391. 
Petrcius, M„ 334. 
Pharnsii. 353. 
Fhilaenon arae, 355, 390. 
Philologus. Sec Atdus. 
Phoeniaans, the, 34, 351. 
Piso, Cil, 17, 194, 198. 
Plato. 5, 336. 
Plautia lex de ri, 306. 
M. Plantius Sihranus, ao6. 
Plautus, 171, 178, 185, 197, 333. 

333. 
Playtair, CoL (Trayels in the steps 

of Bruce), 344« 350, 376. 
Pliny, C Plinius Secnndus (Hist 

Natur.), 33, 336, 333, 349, 350. 
Pliny, C PUnius Caedlins Se- 



INDEX. 



3x3 



cundus (Epistolae), 17^ 177, 
. 183, 187, ao$. 
Plutarch, 100, 303, 335, 384, 385, 

*9h «94. 300» 3°* 
Polybius, 3ii, 374. 

Pompeius, Cn., 18, 305. 

Pompeius, Q^ 343. 

Pompeius, Trogus (hist nnder 

Augustus), 8. 
Pomponius Mela (geogr. ist een- 

tury), 33, 39, x88, 249. *$*> H 6 * 

389. 
Pomptinus, C, 3 18. 
P. Popillius Laenaa, 104» 360, 363. 
Porcian laws, 35» 334. 
Postgate, J. P., 3 70. 
Postumius,Sp., 308. 
Praeneste, 31. 
Priscian(gramm., 5th century),i86, 

103, xo6, 377, 379, 393. 
Probua, M. Valerius (gramm. xst 

century), 178, 189 (nerhnpe an- 

other ot 4U1 centurv). 
Procopius (hist 6th century), 

35» »5*« 

PsyUi, 390. 

Pnnic language, the, 35. 

Quadri$arius. See Clandius. 

Quintikan (Institntiones Oratoriae, 
ist century), 8, 11, 13, 13, 171, 
176. 185, 196, aio, 343, 365, 

393. 
Quirinal, Mount, 3. 

Rabirius, C, 304« 305. 

Reate. aoi. 

Rennel, Major, 391. 

Rhodes, 309, 333. 

Ritschl, Fr„ 109, 314, 339, 333. 

Rnfus, P. Rutilius, 6, 377. 

Rullus, P. SerriUus, 31 3. 

Sacer.Mons, x8a. 
Sahara, the, 31, 38, 40. 
Satummns, iZ, 43, 177, 373. 
Scaevola, Mudus, 303. 
Scaurus, M. Aemilius, 6, 193, 347, 
358. 



Srh&U, R^ 334, 336. 

Schone, 177. 

Schrtider (Phoen. Spracbe), 340» 

»55. »7*. 
P. Sdpio AemiUanna, 177. 

P. Scipio Africanus, 176, soo, 

334. 34X. 
P. SciDio Nasfca, 360, 363. 
Secessions, the, 309* 
Selling, C, 303. 
Sempronian laws, 33, 304, 313, 

360, 363, 387. 
Tib, Sempronins Gracchus, 371. 
Tih. et C. See Gmcchi. 
Seneca, 173, 174, 186; 198, 351, 

390, 394. 
Sentinunvbattleot 307. 
Septimins (transL of uictys heUi 

Troj. ann. 4U1 century), ssi. 
Sergii, 178. 
Sertorius, 195. 
Serrius Honoratua (graxnm. and 

cotnm. 4U1 century), 3» 178» x8i, 

336, 353. 
Sestius, P., 30$. 
Sextia Lidnia lex, 308. 
Shaw, Dr., 340. 
Sibylline booka, 3x9. 
Sicca, 380. 

Sidon, 34, 35, 354, 389. 
Silanns, D. Junius, 19, 
Silius ItaUcus, 375, 398. 
Simcox, G. (Hist of Latin Iitera- 

ture), 173. 
Sisenna, L. ComeUns (hist 118- 

66 b. c.), 6, 13, 177, tiy, 

309. 
Sittins, P„ 8, 198, 356. 
Social War, the, 338, 304« 
Sophronisba, 339« 
Spartacns, 191, 
Steup, 177,313,336. 
Stoics, tne, 337. 
Strabo, (geog. xst century), 349, 

955, 356, 359, 388, 390. 
Snetonins, 16, 17, 193, 194, 383, 

Snlls; P. ComeUns (dictator), x t 
38, 178, 190, 193, 333. 



i 



l 
I 



1 
'i 



4 
il 



3«4 



INDBX. 



Solla, P. Comelras (coosol dect 

66 B.cX x6, 26. 
Solla, P. Coroelras (teoomplioe of 

CatUine), 190. 
Solpiciiit Serems (hist 4th ceo- 

tory), 17«. »5*- 
Sora, P. Lentulns, 190, aoo. 
Snthul, 966. 

gyphu, 37. 4». *» 
Syrte», a8, 34, 289. 

Tadtas, 10, 171, 177, 179, 186, 

i8a,snd/*wfa. 
Tanais, 997. 
Tangier, 35, 35. * 
Tell, the, 31. 
Tereoce, 193, 109. 
Terentia, 4, 18«. 
Terentk Catsia lex, 213. 
Tentones, 306. 
ThaJa,a88. 
Thapsns, S34. 
11100,354. 
Thomas, 305. 
Thncjrdides, 5, 8, 13, 14, 15, 179, 

180% i8a, 183, 170» 171, 173, 

381, 287, 296, aoo» 
Thoggo,38. 

Torquatus, L. Manlius, 16, 17. 
Touaregs, the, 38, 40. 

Tntoois, L., 37. 
Trogoa. See PocopeiosL 
Tnllianum, 220, 931. 
Tonis, 33, 37. 
T. Torpflins eHosms, s86. 

Utica, 35, 359. 



Vaea (now Bedjaj, a6t, 375. 
Valerian laws, 35, 304, 224. 
Valerios. See Flaccus. 
Valerios Maumus (fact et dict 

memor. xst century), 186, 314. 
Vargunteios, L», 190, aoa. 
Varro, M., 2, 183, 185, 209, aia, 

225, 236, 249, *?6, 2*7. 
Vegetios (epit reLjuilrtarhv^th 

centnry), 334. 30X. 
Velleios Patercnlus (hist ist cen- 

raiy), 183, 184, 187, 195, aoo, 

*«3. »77. 
VerceUae, 27. 

Volaterrae, aoa. 
Volturcios, T., aio. 
Vopiscus, FL (hist 4U1 centurjr), 
i8a. 



Wagner, W., 196, 199, 222, 283. 

Wescnberg, A~, 100. 

WUlems, P. (LeSeoatde la Rtp. 

Romaine), 180, 207. 
Wirz, H„ 202, 229, 268. 
Wolfflin, E* 12, 198» 267, 300». 

Xeoophoo, 5, 235. 

Zagooan, 38. 

Zaina, s8o. 

Zeugitaaa, 36, 37, 348, 351. 

Ziguenses, 38» 

Zouara, 38. 

Zumpt, A. W. (daa Crimmalrecht 

der, Rom. Rep.), 224, 339, 

369. 



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«MM,aV. 



The Oxford Bible for Teeohers, containing snpplementary 

Hblps TO THB StudV OP TKB BlBLR, radadlag aunnarka off tho «avaral 
Booka, wkh coptoaa «xpkaatory aotni aad Tabks Ohattrathra off S a l ptai o 
Hhtory aad tho characnristfcs of Blbto Laadt wtth a conploto ladaa of 
Swbjocta, a Coacordaaco* a Dfctkmary af Propor NaaMt, aad • aaria&,wf 
Maps. Fifc«nnnowsiawJaBdbfc4lagaftxnM.Ma£c^ ' 

Helpe to the Study of the Bible, taken from the Oxfobd 

BfBLB POB TBACHBBS, CjanpTBBBg MMBUrin Of tAO MT«Tfd Booka Wtth 

coploBf «apkaatory Notn aad Tabln twBftratrn of 8«ri>im Haany aad tho 
of Biblo Laada; whh a ccnpnM ladaa «ff Sabjocta, a 
a Pfclleaaiy of Propor WaBMt, aad a aarin af Mapa. • Fant 



1 






f I 

I 

l » 

I I 

I 

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Ctaraubn Pru* % Oxfira\ 



B00LE8IASTI0AL HISTOBY, fto. 
BaodM HUtorU Booleelaetloa. Edited, with Englith 

Motoa, by&H. Il obo il j . M.A. Crow» «ro. dWA, k«. «* 

Qhaptors of Barly BngHah Chnroh HUtory. ByWilliam 

Erlgat, D.D. Sra. data, tar. 

Busebius* BoolesUatioal HUtory, according to the Text of 

ItM. Wkli oa l a ttodoct to a by WttHoM Brlght. a D. CrowaSro.c*tf*,Sf.«*% 



Sooratee* Boole*iaatioel HUtory, accordtng to the Text of 

Hmmj. WWiMlMradKtiMbf WBteBflfht, aD. Crowa Sm. f***, 

f*«*% 

BNGLISH THBOLOGY. 
Butl*r*e Aiialogy, with an Index. 8vo.«ioJi», 51.60% 
Butl*r*a Sennone, 8to. clotk, 5«. 64 
Hooker*e Worke, with his Life by Walton, arranged by 

Joba KoMo. M.A. fa» £Mta,ink iSm. Sro. chM. r/. w. «**. 

Hooker* • Worke 1 the text m arranged by John Keble, M.A. 



Feerson's Exposition of the CreerL Rerised and oomcted 

by B. Bartom. D.D. S*m%Md*im. tfry. tvo. ateta, io#. «4 

Waterland'e Reriew of the Doctrine of the Eacharist, with 

otMOKobftMproMMBJuaoofLooiloa. tafe cfowatro. <**!,««. «d. 



ENGLISH HI8TOBY. 
A HUtory of BngJand. Prindpally in the Serenteenth 

Coatmy. By Loopotd Voa Roaka « rote. tra «***, jA j*. 

CQarendon*s (Edw. Earl of) History of the Rebellion and 

CM Wm ■ Bafflud To wbJch »ro wtJoMol tao «fotoi of ~ 
bortoa f roav rajo. OMdwoitro. mj*4,ȣio*. 



01arendon'e (Edw. Earl of) History of the Rebellion and 

CItU Wom la Baglomd f rok. ofjo, mm* «Mft. tX u. 

yre«xnan'e (E. A.) Historj of the Nonnan Conqvest of 

■oeloodi w Cmmo ood Romm. /» J» K#*snok. Sm, *«*%, *C at. «* 



VoLl.oadIL 

VoLIIL 

VoLIV. 



VaUV. tSf4 iXta 
Vat VL laaoa, oSr*, m* 



aT MaTa» M**wOMoW»Mp *^*VaM «mm 

. BdMm, toy «• s& U. 

AfoiMi arfa> oj. m. 



Bogers*s Hiitoty of Agiicnltnre and Prices in w^g 1 *-"* *•»• 

Mjo-tMf. VoavLoadlLliioj iwo) Sto awSLat*» 
^^mITIL ood IV. ft^arafSTsMTaWL oLom. 



Cltrentan $resi Seriti. 

The Delegates of thc Clarendon Fress hAving nndertaken 
the pnbiication of a series of works, chiefly edncational, and 
entitled the GltTtntai tyrm ftfdlf, hait pnbllshed. or hait 
in prepexmtion, the foUowing. 



X. BNOLI8H. 
▲ Firet Beading Book. By Marie Eiehens of Berlln ; and 

odkodkyAaacJ.OoaiB, Bst fcap. tvo. *ift—r* % 4**. 

Oxford Bendins Book, Fnrt I. For Iittle Chfldren. 

Bat. fcop. Svol 9t&tmtvt t oa« 

Ozford Booding Book, Part TJ. For Jnnior Classes. 

Bst fcap. Svo. «if<mtrt t m\ 

▲n Xlementaxy Xnglieh Orunmir and Xxerolee Book 

Bjr O. W. Taacock. M. A. Stttmd £dmm. Bst. feap. tvo. u. «£ 

▲n Xnglish Qnmmar end Boading Book 9 for Lower 

ForMlaClaaricalSclMoaL By tao aaao Aataor. FmHh tdmm* Bst, fcap, 
•vo. dafft, jr. tol 

Typioal Beleotione from the best Engliih Writers, with 

latrodoctory Notkm la Two VotaaMa. Batra fcap. SfO. c***, y. «o* 



The Philology of the XngUeh Tongue* By f. Esrle« 

M.A. ( fe«B^FooowofOrtolColloto.aadrinliiiiii af Aaglo Saaoa. Qafecd. 
TMrd Bdmm. Bxt. fcap. Svo. d»fr\ y#. oo\ 



Book for Beginnere in ▲ngloeexon. By John Earle, 

M.A. Tkird Bdmm, Bstra fcap. fvo. «fcca, ar. td. 

▲n ▲nglo-Saxon Frimer, wtth Grammar, Notes, and Glos- 

aary. By Hcory Swoct, M.A. StemdSdmm. Eztra fcap. tvo. ttm\ or. ML 

▲n ▲nglo-Saxon Beader, in Prose and Verse, with Gram» 

autkal Jotrodoctioo, Notoa, aad Gfactary. By Hoarjr S ota t , M JL Fmrik 
BditUn Batra feap. tvo daw. tr. td. 

First Middle Xnglish Primer; with Grammar and Glos* 

tary. By llcary Swoct. M.A. Batra fcap. tvo. daco, ar. 

The Ormnlnm ; with the Notes and Glossary of Dr. R. M. 

Wklto. Bdkod by B, Holt, M.A. avoU.Bxtralcap.tvo.cMo.au. 

Speoimene of Xarly KngHah. A New and Rerised Edi- 

tloa. Whh latrod ictioa. Notoa. aod CTiawrtal ladoa. By B.Morrto.LL.D., 
aadW. W.Skoat MA 
Partl. Proai Qld BmrHaa HobmIbi to Kaaj Hora |A,Bv rrp> to A.D, tjro). 

Batra fcap. a*o. dof*, a# 
rartlL ProaiRobono€o>oocoaaaTtoOowor(A.rxiatStoA.rxra| < aV Batn 
fcap. Svo. olatA,f«. io*. 

Speoimene of Xnglieh 17ite«e4ai*,lTom the • Plonghmans 

CrodV to tho 'thmaairdoa Caloador' |A.a rjM to A.a ia#. Wtta latra- 
dactfcaUf otoa, aodft looMrtal ladoa. By W. W.Tkoot, M. AT 7BoW aToWiioj. 

avvOwOM) a^^aaaaa ^ww^aaj ova^paaraaa) Tvi oaaaB 



f 



1 



i 



1 r 



.1 



.1 



Clartndon Prat Serix, 



The VJsfton of Wllliam oonoerning Piera tho Plowman, 

by WfiBaai LugtewL Bdlted, wteh Notes, by W. W. Skeat, M.A. Third 
MdMm. ExL fcap. tro. r/*A. 4*- 6* 

Ohanoer. Tho Prioreaaea Tale; fllro Thopaa; Tho 

MookesTalet The Clerkes TaM | The Sovleret Tale, ftc BdltedbyW.W. 
Skeat, M. A. Joa w o a f AANm. Bjrt. fcap. tvo. cJMb, *r. <* 

Ohanoer. Tho Tale of tho Men of I»awet Tho Par- 

dooeres Tale; Tltt flcouo d Noemes Tale; Tho Chaooaos Yirwniws Tale. 
By tbo hm Bdltor. S*md BdOim. Extra fcap. tvo. riM*, «r. *#. 

Old Bngliah Drama. Marlowe^Tragical Hiftoryof Doctor 

Fxasroa. aod GreeaCa Hoooorablo Hhxory of Friar Bacoo aad Frlar B«auny. 
Editod byA. W. Ward. M.A. Bxtra fcap. tvo. riMft, 5/.«. 

Marlowe. Bdward XI. With Notei, ftc By O. W. 

ek,M.A. t HeadMasterorNorwfch8cbooL Bxtra fcap. tva«*«4, «r. 



Nkjhfs 



tf.ett 



flhakeepeare. Hamlet. Edited by W. G.Clark, MJV- and 

W. AkBa Wrfeht, M. A. Bxtra fcep. tro, *if amr* % or. 

Shatespeare. Sclect Plays. Editod by W. Aldis Wright, 

MJL Bxtra fcap. tvo. «tff «oor#. 

Tbo T aow ut . k. €tL Kbjf Lear, m . M . 

Aa Yoo Ukelt, xr. ett AMkteoau 

tottas Caeaar, or. Corlolaaaa, 

BkbardthoThlrd,ar.Ctf. Heory the Flfth, aa, 
(For otbor Flays, aao p. f 4 

Milton. Areopagitloa. With Introdnction and Notes. By 

J. W. Halea, M. A. Tkkrd Mmm. Bxtn fcap, tvo. «farA, 3«. 

Milton. Bamaon Agoniatea. Edited with Introdoction 

aad Notoo by Joha Chortoo CqIMoj. Bxtm feap. tvo. jr^Tororr r , ■#. 

Bunyan. Holy War. Edited by E. Venables, MA. /» 

I h r/ mrm m m. |See ak» p. 7.) 

Addiaon. fleleotlonafromPaporaintheflpootator. With 

Notos. ByT. Arec4d,MA^Ua*verattyCoBoie. Bxtrafcap. tvo.<«tf«,4#. «V. 

Burke. Poor Irottora on tho Propoaala for Poaoo with 
the Bogioido Direotory of Pranoe. Bdfted, wfch ixtrodactioe 

aad Notes, by 8. J. Payne, M.A. Bxtra fcap. tvo. em% $g. Jor«4af/qfir. 
Aim iktJMUmmf m /uVr Aovn. 
Ooldsmith. Deserted Village. se*. 
Oraj. Elegy, and Ode on Eton CoDege. ad. 
Johnaon. Vanity of Human Wiihea. Wlth Notes by E. T. 

Paya«,M.A. «o*. 

Xoata. Hyperlon, Book L With Notes by W. T. Arnold 



Milton. With Notet by R. C. Browne, MJl. 

Mto+J* ylXmVO.*. II P anaarot», 4* 
Cmsmis. flaf fftmtiw A f"^t*^. fnf. 

Parnoll. TheHennit. adL 

Soota. iAyofthel^MinstreL Introdncdoa aad Canto L 

— hyW.hIiaae,M.A, td. 



•» 



Clarendon Prut Strus. 



a SExrss or bnglish classics 

DotJgnod to mtt tfco woats of Sttidenta fa KagUdi Lkentort ; by tho 
lato J. S. Bbbwbr, M.A., Pt o f t t an t of Eocliah Lkmton at Kinf*a 

^^OU£ffva ano^OCseSOonni 

i. Chanoer. The Prologne to the Canterbnry Talest The 

Xnlchtoa T«W| Tho Nomo Fraatoi Tale. Bdltad by *- Morrto, LLA. 
Fifafrtt HImmW. Bstm fcap. tro. «Mo, m . M SotaJMp.ii 

s. Spens^e Faery Queene. Books I and IL BjG. W. 

XJtcbto,M.A. Bxtrafcaa\to»«MA,or*«A«och. 

*. Hooker. Ecdesisstical Polity, Book L EditedbyllW. 

Charch.M.A^DeaoofSt.Ftnra. Bxtra fcap. tro. «fcfn, ar. 

4« BhaJceepeere. Select Plsys. Edited by W. G. Clark, 

M.A.,aadW. yJo»WHfht.MJL Batra fcap. tra. tiftmtrt. 

L TteMorckattorVoateo. i*. IL RJehanl the Setond. i* ed. 
_ UL Macbeth. ■*.«*. (Ferether inara.eeep.«4 

5- 



hy W. 
Bd*im. Bztrafic«p.tva dMk,4#. «A 
ILTbcBaiert. WlthlnlredactJonandNotot. ByJ. R. 

6, MUton. Poems. Edited by R. C. Browne, MA. In 

T«jo Vohnnea. JPimrm Bd4Mm% Bst» fcap* tvo- «MS« dr. ee\ 
Smt m tmw m y, Vot t 4*. VoL IL y. 

7* Drydexu Stansas on the Death of Oliver Cromwell : 

Attraca Redwi Anaoa Mlrabtttti AbtakNB aad Achhophali Raflfto Lafcl | 
TbcHtadeodthcPantker. Bdkad by W. XX Chrtotte, hLA., TrtoJty COBOfo, 
Cambridffo. S*mdM*tm> Batra fcap. tre. «M*. y. «d. 

8. Bunyan* The Pftgrim's PxtMtress, Grace Aboroding, and 

A Rdatton cf bJi Irapr to o omcat . Bdltod. wlth Biofnpkleal l otrad o c tto o aod 
Notaa.br B.Vaoabl«t,M.A.,Proc«otorof Ltecola. Bjrtrafcaphftro.«M*,$r. 

e> Pope, With Introdnction and Notes. By Mark Patuson, 

&a.R«ctor«rUBCotaCoOar«,Oxibrd. 

X. BeaaveoMon. SmmBdmm. Batra fcep. tro. *&<—**, «a. ftd. 
IL S*KaadBf>totfca. SmmdMdMm. Batra fcop. tro. ******* er. 



10% Johnson. Select Works. Lhres of Dryden and Pope, 

endReaaetea. Bdfcedbf Alfcad MOnat, BJL (LeoAI,h*nScla«href Uoceto 
Cottogo, Oafcrd. n*tra1capklva«MA,4r.eA 



II* Burke. Edited, with Introdnction and Notes, by E. T. 

I^>rao t M.A^roUowofUnrrarrityColl«t«.C^fcrd. 

L Thooghta «o tko Pr aian t D hronto n tt i tfco Ttro Ip ii rh i 
«tc SmmdBdmmu BBtrafc0p.tmcM0.4r.0A 

II- laiarHiwni 00 fkt nonrh Bcinanltoo Smmd Md*m\ 
tro.otofk.fA Jar «&•/.«> 

is. Oowper. Edited, wlth Iife, Introdnctions, and Notes, 

bfILT.C4ln^B\A.ltarnMrWSck«larorr - - 

L TbeDktactfc Faepe of rrtt, «tth 



1 
1 



«M*,V. 



1 

,1 



8 



Clarttub* Prtu Stritt. 



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II. LATIN. 
AnlBlenientaryLatinGrainmar. ByJohnB.AIlen v M.A«, 

TmmrtBdMm, Bxtnrcap.tvo.cMA.ar.trf. 

▲ First Latin Bxeroiae Book. By the same Author. 

Fttrth Bdltmm Bxtra fcap. »« cfttfA, er. trf, 

A Seoond Latin Bxeroite Book. By the tame Author. 

InthtPrw. 

Beddenda Mlnora, or Easy Passages, Latin and Greek, for 

Uaseea Trxnslatioa. For the ose of Lowcr Fonat, Composed aad setccted 
by C S. Jerraa, M. A. Extra fcap. tvo. ctmth, tr. te\ 

Anglioe Beddenda, or £asy Extracts, Latin and Greek, 

far UnsecaTreastatioa. By C S Jerraa. M.A, Bxtra fcap. tvo. cJmth ar. ea*# 

Paasages for TransUtion into Latln. Selected by 

J. Y. Sargoat, MJL Sutth BdMm. Bxt fcap. tvo. <***, «/. trf, 

First Latin Beader. By T. J. Nunns, MA. Tkird 



Oaesar. The Commentaries (for Schools). With Notes 

vfMapa *c ByCE. Mobcrty. M.A.. Ailslsnt Mattcr ta Bagby l~ 
Tht Gmttic fTmr. Stcmd Edititn. Bxtra fcap. tva. dmth, 4#. eZ 
ThcCHrU IVmr. Bxtra fcap.tvo. «wf*. y. t* 

I. Stend r ' 



ThtCMitrmr. Bookl. Stnmd BdMtm, Eitnfcap.tvo.dvM.ar. 

Cieero. Selection of mteresting and descriptite passages. 

Wlta Notte. Bt Heary Wattbrd, M.A. Ia Three Parts. TfttW BdSim. 
EKtfcaotvo.dUA.4f.oW Bmch»mrt$<tmrmm> t t*Mmfidmth,u.m\ 

Ciaero. De Senectnte and De Amicitia. With Notes. By W. 

Heriop, M A. Extra fcap. tvo. er. 

Oioero. Select Letters (for Schools). WithNotes. By the 

lato C B. Frichard. M JL. aad E. R. Beniard. M. A. Bxtra fcap tvo. dmth, y. 

Oieero. Select Orations (for Schools). With Notes. Bj 

J. B. Kiag. M.A. StcmdBdatm. ExLfcap.tvo.cMA.ar.ftA 

Oornelins Nepoe. With Notes, by Oscar Browning, M.A. 

Bxtrafcap. tvo. dmth,i.€m\ 



Xdry. Seleotiont (for Schools). With Notes and Maps. 

By H. Lte Waraer, M.A. ln ThrmPmrta. Bxt. fcap, tvo. **»%, u.ee; each. 

Ury. BooksV— VIL By A R. Cluer, B.A. Extra fcap. 

tvo. cAtfA, ««. 64 

Orid. Selections for the nte of Schools. With Introdnc* 

tfaae aad Noua.etc By W. R*x*say.M.A. Bdited byC. G, Raanay. M.A. 
SmmdSdMm. Bat fcap. tvo. drnth, %$. te*. 

Pliny. Select Letters (for Schools). With Notes. By the 

latoC.B.Frk*crd,M.A~,aadB.R,- - *~ 



Oatolli Veronensis 



Xtfber. Iteram lecognoiit, apparatnm 

amaVa\A.M. tvo,AJM*,tt>« 



QatnTlns. ▲ Oommentary on Oatnllna, By Robintoa 



Clarendon Prat Striu. 



Oatulli Veronenaia Carmina Beleota, ■romdiim reoog* 

nnwowVIBjBjB nOVB^H awennnj enVoawB,.. eniewwToB BB^BBflra BBaranj C^WW| 4UBJ* tBw*» 

Oioero de Oratore. With IntroductioB and Notea, By 

A. & WUktaa, M. A., rV o fe no r of Lena, Oweaa Cottage, M iach ii m. 
Bookl. Dvjmytot*W*,6f. Book II. Deiny Svo.cfrO, p. 

Oioero's Philippio Orations. With Notes. ByJ. R. King, 

M.A. StnmdBdMm. Dew* tvo. <*<*, ter. 44. 



Oioaro. Boleot Letters. With English Introductions, 

B» Afcert WatMB.M.A:, 



AppeBdfeeB. By Awert Wataaa. M.A., FcOow nd UcM« of 
l. Osferd. ThiwdBdMtm. Dcmytfo.cMA.nV. 

Oioero. Boloot Letters (Text). Bjr tho same Editor. 

SmmdMdMm. Bstra fcap. tvo» cMk, 4». 

Oiooro pro Oluentio. With Introdnction and Notes. By 

W. Rnwnr. M.A. Bdtatd by G. G. Rmht. M.A.. Fiafonw of Honaatty. 
Gleogow. Jbnme* BdOmm» Hst. fcep. tvo. «wn,y. «0*. 

XJry, Book L By J. R. Seeley, M.A., Regini Professor 

of Modera Htatery. Canbridgo, S t n m d Sdmmm. Deny Ovo. rfoM, er. 

Horooo. With Introdnctkmt and Notes. By Edward C. 

WfckauB, M. A., Heed Mottor of Welltairtoa Coitago. 
VoL I. Tbo Odee, Canaca Secelare, ead Bi * 



Horaoo. A rttrint 0/ tk* aoott, in a size suitable for tho 

. Bstfl 



itra fcap, tvo. cfeto, er. td. 

Persius. Tho Batiroa. With aTrantlation and Com« 

neatny. By john Coatagtoo, M JL Bdfced by H. Notttaehip, M.A. Smmd 
Bddmm. tve. oJM*. »/.«. 

Plautus. Trinummut. With Introdnctiont and Notes. 

ForuovoeofHtaberPonac. By C B. Freenaa, MJL.aad A. atanaa, M.A. 
Bxtra fcap. tvo. c&m, ** 

Ballust. With Introdnction and Notes. By W. W. Capes, 

M A. Bstra fcap. tvo. emmk, 4«. «1 

Boleotiona from tho loae kuown Latin Poets. By North 

Ftodor, M.A. Dony tvo. cmm. 151, 

Pragments and Speoiment of Barly Latin. With Intro* 

docttao «ad NoMt. By Joru Wordowortb M.A. Dcnytvo.tfOiM.it/. 

Taoitna. ThoAnn&Oa. I-VI. WithlntrodactionandNotes. 

By H. Foroeaea, M.A. tvo. cnl*, str. 

VlrgU. With Introdnction and Notes. By T. L. Papillon. 

M.A,Fa&ov/ofNowCoUeff«. evota. Crowa tvo. mm\ n*. U. 
The Teat nay bo bad Mparatoly, ctet*, 4*. ea*. 

▲ nCanual of OomparatlTo Philologj, at applied to tho 

mMtrattao of Groak aad Latta laflocrJoee. By T. L. PapUtoo. SLA^ Fellow 
ofNev/Coltago. 7^md£dOum t JU9imlmmdCm-tm^.tm9^m^^. 

Tne Bomaa Poota of tho Augnttan Ago. VtrgQ. By 

WUtianYoaaffSoUar,M.A. NtwBddim. itt> Crowatvo.0/. 

Tho Boman Poots of tho Bopnbllo. By the tame 

laor. ataama»a>too> rn#t,i#a> 



10 



Clarmim Prtss SerUs. 



xix. orannK. 

▲ Oreek Frimer, for the use of beginners in that Language. 

By th« RJfht Bov. Charica Wordsworth, U.CL, Btehop of St Aodrawa. 
Stwmth Bdmm, Eat fcap. tvo. «WA, w. «**. 

Greek Verbe, Irregular and Defeotire. By W. Vdtch. 

AhtC» BtMtn. Crowa tvo. cJMk, aor. «** 

The Blemente of Oreek Aooentuation (for Schooli). 

By H. W ChaarfUr. M.A. Bxt fcap. tvo. cttth, or. «d. 

A SirUs o/Oraduated Grnk Rtadert : 

Firat Oreek Beader. By W. G. Ruihbrooke. MX. 

SttmdBdPfm. Bxt fcap. tvo. «***. o#.«W. 

Beoond Oreek Beader. By A. J. M. Bell, M.A. 

Bxtrm fcap. tvo. ctcth, %r. ooT. 

Fourth Oreek Beader ; being Spedmeiis of Oreek 

DialeoU. By W. W. Morry, M.A. Bxt fcap. tvo. tim\ *r. «A 

Vffth Oreek Beader. Partl, Selectionsfrom GreekEpic 

mad Draaaitfc Pootry. By B. Abbott, M.A. Bst feap. tro.«tt*, 4* •*• 

The Oolden Treasury of Andent Greek Poetry ; with Intro* 

dactory Notfcei mad Notoa. By R. S. Wrffht.M. A. Bst fcap. tvo. «toM.tr. io*. 

A Oolden Treasury of Greek Prose; with Introductory 

Notlcea aad Notea. By R. S. Wrhjht. M.A* aad J. B, L. ShodwoU, M.A. 
Bxt fcap.tvo. cJMA. **•***. 

Aesohylus. Promethens Bonnd (for Schools). WithNotes. 

By A. a Mekard, M.A. Stcmd Bdamu Bat fcap. tvo. cmh, t. 

Aeeobylus. Agamemnoa. With Introduction and Notes. 

B* Arthor SMowlclu M. A. Stcmd Bdttim, Eat fcap. tvo. cttth, jr. 

Arlstophanes. In Single Plays, edited with English Notes, 

lotrodoctfcMM. Stc By W. W. Many. M.A. Hjrtrm fcap. tvo. 
Tho Cwods Sttmd BdOtm, a* Tho Acharaiana, ar. Tho Froga, or. 

OabetU Tabula. With Introduction and Notes by C. S. 

JerrmavfcLA. Ext fcep. tvo. cttth. ar. «**. 

Xuripidea. Aicesus (for Schools). By C. S. Jerram, M.A. 

ff yf T fcap. tvo. tttth, %t. o**. 

Xuxipides. Hdena. Edited with Introduction, Notes, and 

Cittkal Appeaitrr By tho aaaM Bditor. Bxtra fcap. tvo. cttth, mr. 

Eerodotna. Selections. With Introduction, Notes, and 

Map. ByW. W. Marry, M.A. Bst feap. tvo. tmh, u. 6d, 

Homer. Odymeer, Books I-XII (for Schools). ByW.W. 

Monr.SLA. TmmthStwmth Thmmmd. Bst fcap. tvo. o*i*,4*. oal 

Book II, separatdT, i*. 6d. 
Bomer. Odyaaey, Books XUI-XXIV(for Schools). By 

thoamaMBdttor. StcmdBdMm. Bit fcap. tvo. ctttM.ju. 

Bomer. ZUad. Book I (forSchools). ByD.B.Monro,MJL 9 

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Bomer. Hiad. BooksI-XII. With an Introduction, a Brief 

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a Preiace oa the P rmct plei of Freach B tym o l o g y. By A. BracbeL Traaalated 
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Braohefe Historioal Grammar of the French Langnage. 

TrawJmtodby&W.Kh)chm,M.A. FtfthMdlHm. atet.lcao.S«o.cmC*.y.oa*. 

A Short History of Frenoh Uteratnre. By George 



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VI. MATHBMATIOB, *0. 
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nc LAW. 
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Demy tro», cUck, «■#. 

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